Conflict Zones
Kashmir attack: How India might strike Pakistan – what history tells us | Border Disputes News

Pakistan said on Wednesday that it had “credible intelligence” that India might launch a military strike against it within the next few days.
Meanwhile, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi led a series of security meetings on Tuesday and Wednesday, adding to speculation of an impending Indian military operation against its archrival, after the April 22 attack on tourists in Pahalgam in Indian-administered Kashmir in which 26 people were killed.
Since the attack, barely existent relations between the nuclear-armed South Asian neighbours have nosedived further, with the countries scaling back diplomatic engagement, suspending their participation in bilateral treaties and effectively expelling each other’s citizens.
The subcontinent is on edge. But how imminent is an Indian military response to the Pahalgam killings, and what might it look like? Here’s what history tells us:
What happened?
Pakistan’s Information Minister Attaullah Tarar said in a televised statement early on Wednesday that Islamabad had “credible intelligence” that India was planning to take military action against Pakistan in the “next 24 to 36 hours”.
Tarar added that this action would be India’s response on the “pretext of baseless and concocted allegations of involvement” in Pahalgam. While India has alleged Pakistan’s involvement in the Pahalgam attack, Islamabad has denied this claim.
India and Pakistan each administer parts of Kashmir, but both countries claim the territory in full.
Tarar’s statement came a day after Modi gave the Indian military “complete operational freedom” to respond to the Pahalgam attack in a closed-door meeting with the country’s security leaders, multiple news agencies reported, citing anonymous senior government sources.
On Wednesday, Modi chaired a Cabinet Committee on Security meeting, the second such meeting since the Pahalgam attack, state-run Doordarshan television reported.
Meanwhile, as the neighbours continued to exchange gunfire along the Line of Control (LoC) dividing Indian and Pakistan-administered Kashmir, other world leaders stepped up diplomacy to calm tensions.
“We are reaching out to both parties, and telling … them to not escalate the situation,” a United States state department spokesperson told reporters on Tuesday, quoting US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who is expected to speak to the foreign ministers of India and Pakistan.
Also on Tuesday, the spokesperson for United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said that he had spoken to Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, offering his help in “de-escalation”.
What military action could India take?
While it is unclear what course of action India could take, it has in the past used a range of military tactics. Here are some of them:
Covert military operations
By design, they aren’t announced – and aren’t confirmed. But over the decades, India and Pakistan have each launched multiple covert raids into territory controlled by the other, targeting military posts, killing soldiers – and on occasion beheading the enemy’s troops.
These strikes are often carried out as a retaliatory step by a military unit whose personnel were themselves previously attacked, as a form of retribution.
But such raids are never confirmed: The idea is to send the other country a message but not force it to respond, thereby containing the risk of escalation. Public announcements lead to domestic pressure on governments to hit back.
Publicised ‘surgical strikes’
Sometimes, though, the idea is not to send subtle messages – but to embarrass the other country by making an attack public. It also doesn’t hurt politically.
India has in the past carried out so-called surgical strikes against specific, chosen targets across the LoC – most recently in 2016.
Then, after armed fighters killed 17 Indian soldiers in Uri, Indian-administered Kashmir, special forces of the Indian Army crossed the de facto border to attack “launch pads” from where, New Delhi alleged, “terrorists” were planning to strike India again. “The operations were basically focused to ensure that these terrorists do not succeed in their design of infiltration and carrying out destruction and endangering the lives of citizens of our country,” Lieutenant General Ranbir Singh, then the director-general of military operations for the Indian Army, said in a public statement, revealing the raid.
India claimed that the surgical strike had killed dozens of fighters, though independent analysts believe the toll was likely much lower.
Aerial strikes
In February 2019, a suicide bomber killed 40 Indian paramilitary soldiers in Pulwama in Indian-administered Kashmir, weeks before national elections in the country. This attack was claimed by the Jaish-e-Muhammad, an armed group based in Pakistan.
Amid an outpouring of rage, the Indian Air Force launched an aerial raid into Pakistan-administered Kashmir. India claimed it had struck hideouts of “terrorists” and killed several dozen fighters.
Pakistan insisted that Indian jets only hit a forested region, and did not kill any fighters. Islamabad claimed it scrambled jets that chased Indian planes back across the LoC.
But a day later, Indian and Pakistani fighter jets again engaged in a dogfight – this one ending with Pakistan downing an Indian plane inside territory it controls. An Indian fighter pilot was captured, and returned a few days later.
Attempts at taking over Pakistan-controlled land
Over the past few years, there have been growing calls in India that New Delhi should take back Pakistan-administered Kashmir. That chorus has only sharpened in recent days after the Pahalgam attack, with even leaders of the opposition Congress Party goading the Modi government to take back that territory.
While retaking Pakistan-administered Kashmir remains a policy objective of every Indian government, the closely matched military capabilities of both sides make such an endeavour unlikely.
Still, India has a track record of successfully taking disputed territory from Pakistan.
In 1984, the Indian Army and Indian Air Force launched Operation Meghdoot, in which they rapidly captured the Siachen glacier in the Himalayas, blocking the Pakistan Army from accessing key passes. One of the world’s largest non-polar glaciers, Siachin has since been the planet’s highest battleground, with Indian and Pakistani military outposts positioned against each other.
Naval missions
In the aftermath of the Pahalgam attack, the Indian Navy announced that it had carried out test missile strikes.
“Indian Navy ships undertook successful multiple anti-ship firings to revalidate and demonstrate readiness of platforms, systems and crew for long range precision offensive strike,” the navy said in a statement on April 27.
“Indian Navy stands combat ready, credible and future ready in safeguarding the nation’s maritime interests anytime, anywhere, anyhow.”
Many analysts have suggested that the trials were a show of strength, pointing to the Indian Navy’s ability to strike Pakistani territory if ordered to do so.
A full-blown military conflict
India and Pakistan have gone to war four times in the 78 years of their independent existence. Three of these armed conflicts have been over Kashmir.
Two months after the British colonial government left the subcontinent in August 1947 after carving it up into India and Pakistan, the neighbours fought their first war over Kashmir, then ruled by a king.
Pakistani militias invaded Kashmir to try and take control. The king, Hari Singh, pleaded with India for help. New Delhi agreed, and joined the war against Pakistan, but on the condition that Singh sign an instrument of accession, merging Kashmir with India. The king agreed.
The war finally ended on January 1, 1949, with a ceasefire agreement. India and Pakistan have both held parts of Kashmir since then.
In 1965, a clash between their border forces escalated into a full-blown war. Pakistani forces crossed the ceasefire line into Indian-administered Kashmir, while Indian forces crossed the international border into Pakistan’s Lahore and launched attacks. After thousands of casualties on both sides, a United Nations Security Council resolution helped the neighbours end the war.
In 1971, Pakistan and India were embroiled in an armed conflict over East Pakistan, where Indian forces helped liberate the territory, leading to the establishment of Bangladesh. In 1972, the two countries signed the Simla Agreement, which established the LoC.
In 1999, the Pakistani military crossed the LoC, sparking the Kargil War. Indian troops pushed the Pakistani soldiers back after bloody battles in the snowy heights of the Ladakh region.
Conflict Zones
Sudan Paramilitary Claims Key Gains in Kordofan; Fighting Intensifies Near Khartoum

Khartoum, May 30, 2025 — Rapid Support Forces (RSF) deputy leader Abdel Rahim Daglo announced on Friday that RSF fighters would press their eastward advance toward Khartoum, claiming “great victories” in several strategic towns across Kordofan. Addressing troops at an undisclosed location, Daglo said that all armed groups within the Tasis coalition had joined his paramilitary ranks and were now operating in concert with the RSF.
According to Daglo, RSF units seized control of Al-Dubaibat and Al-Hammadi in South Kordofan state, as well as Al-Khawi in neighboring West Kordofan. “Our fighters have secured these areas after intense clashes with Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) units and allied militias,” Daglo declared, adding that the momentum would not wane until the capital was within reach.
Sudan’s army, however, downplayed recent RSF advances as part of a “reorganization” campaign. A senior ally of the SAF—also the governor of Darfur—insisted that the military was regrouping and fortified its positions to counter what he described as “a temporary setback.” He maintained that the SAF’s strategic reserves remained intact and that front-line forces were being repositioned to mount a sustained defense of Khartoum.
As fighting has spread northward, the humanitarian situation in Khartoum has deteriorated sharply. With basic services all but collapsed, a deadly cholera outbreak has emerged in the densely populated capital. Aid agencies warn that the impending rainy season could exacerbate sanitation challenges, fueling further disease transmission. The United Nations has labeled the crisis “the world’s worst humanitarian emergency,” citing over 25,000 confirmed deaths and more than 3 million internally displaced persons since April.
International pressure has also mounted on Sudan’s transitional government. In late May, Washington imposed sanctions on Sudanese military leaders for the “alleged use of chemical weapons” against civilians. In response, the government announced a national investigation into the claims—a move it said was aimed at preserving Sudan’s international standing amid intensifying conflict.
With both sides entrenching their positions around Khartoum, observers warn that a protracted stalemate could unleash further civilian suffering. The RSF’s pledge to advance eastward has raised concerns that front-line engagements may spill into densely populated suburbs, where millions have already endured weeks of intermittent shelling and aerial bombardments. For now, the fate of Khartoum—and the broader prospects for peace—remain uncertain as paramilitary and army forces brace for a decisive showdown.
Conflict Zones
Two killed in Russian attacks on Ukraine before possible talks in Turkiye | Russia-Ukraine war News

Russia has confirmed it will send a delegation to Istanbul, but Kyiv has not yet accepted the proposal.
Russian drone and missile attacks on Ukraine have killed at least two people, according to officials, as Ukraine ordered the evacuation of 11 more villages in its Sumy region bordering Russia.
Russian troops launched an estimated 109 drones and five missiles across Ukraine on Friday and overnight, the Ukrainian air force said on Saturday, adding that three of the missiles and 42 drones were destroyed and another 30 drones failed to reach their targets without causing damage.
The attacks came amid uncertainty over whether Kyiv will take part in a new round of peace talks early next week in Istanbul.
In the Russian attacks on Saturday, a child was killed in a strike on the front-line village of Dolynka in the Zaporizhia region, and another was injured, Zaporizhia’s Governor Ivan Fedorov said.
“One house was destroyed. The shockwave from the blast also damaged several other houses, cars, and outbuildings,” Fedorov wrote on Telegram.
A man was also killed by Russian shelling in Ukraine’s Kherson region, Governor Oleksandr Prokudin wrote on Telegram.
Moscow did not comment on either attack.
Meanwhile, authorities in Ukraine’s Sumy region said they were evacuating 11 villages within a roughly 30-kilometre (19-mile) range from the Russian border.
“The decision was made in view of the constant threat to civilian life as a result of shelling of border communities,” the regional administration said on social media.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has said some 50,000 Russian troops have amassed in the area with the intention of launching an offensive to carve out a buffer zone inside Ukrainian territory.
Ukraine’s top army chief, Oleksandr Syrskii, said on Saturday that Russian forces were focusing their main offensive efforts on Pokrovsk, Torets and Lyman in the Donetsk region, as well as the Sumy border area.
Syrskii added that Ukrainian forces are still holding territory in Russia’s Kursk region – a statement Moscow has repeatedly denied.
The evacuations and attacks came just two days before a possible meeting between Kyiv and Moscow in Istanbul, as Washington called on both countries to end the three-year war.
Russia has confirmed it will send a delegation, but Kyiv has not yet accepted the proposal, warning the talks would not yield results unless the Kremlin provided its peace terms in advance.
Zelenskyy said Saturday it was still not clear what Moscow was planning to achieve at the meeting and that so far, it did not “look very serious”.
Conflict Zones
Hegseth warns of China threat as Beijing’s top brass skip Singapore summit | Military News

Singapore – Of the many military officials darting across the lobby of Singapore’s Shangri-La Hotel this weekend, there has been one significant absence.
China’s Defence Minister Dong Jun skipped the annual Shangri-La Dialogue, Asia’s premier security forum, with Beijing sending a delegation of lower-ranking representatives instead.
It was the first time since 2019 that China has not dispatched its defence minister to the high-level dialogue on regional defence, except when the event was cancelled in 2020 and 2021 due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Beijing’s decision raised eyebrows in Singapore, coming at a time of heightened tensions between China and the United States – the world’s two biggest superpowers.
Dong’s absence meant there was no face-to-face meeting with his US counterpart, Secretary of Defence Pete Hegseth, who had the floor to himself on Saturday when he told the defence forum that the military threat posed by China was potentially imminent.
“It has to be clear to all that Beijing is credibly preparing to potentially use military force to alter the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific,” Hegseth told delegates in Singapore.
Pointing to China’s regular military drills around Taiwan as well as increasingly frequent skirmishes in the South China Sea, Hegseth said Beijing was proactively harassing its neighbours.
“There’s no reason to sugar-coat it. The threat China poses is real, and it could be imminent,” Hegseth said.
He also pointed to China’s growing military assertiveness as a reason for Asian nations to boost their defence spending, pointing to Germany, which has pledged to move towards spending 5 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP) on defence.
“It doesn’t make sense for countries in Europe to do that while key allies in Asia spend less on defence in the face of an even more formidable threat,” Hegseth said.
The defence chief also looked to reassure Asian allies that Washington was committed to Asia Pacific security despite strained ties in recent months as US President Donald Trump targeted some close allies with hefty trade tariffs.
“America is proud to be back in the Indo-Pacific, and we’re here to stay,” he said, opening his speech.
Some analysts were quick to play down the severity of Hegseth’s warnings about China.
“Short of a very few countries, not many in this part of the world see China as an imminent threat and would up their [defence] spending,” said Dylan Loh, assistant professor in the public policy and global affairs programme at Singapore’s Nanyang Technological University.
China tight-lipped on defence chief’s absence
In previous years, the Shangri-La Dialogue had provided a rare platform for meetings between Chinese and US officials in the more informal surroundings that the summit could offer.
The structure of the schedule also allowed Beijing’s military chiefs to directly respond to the keynote speech from the US defence secretary and to present their narrative to other members of the Asia Pacific.
Beijing has remained tight-lipped on the reason for Defence Minister Dong’s absence from the forum, fuelling an information void that has been filled by speculation.
One theory is that China did not want to send a high-profile delegate to the event at such a sensitive time as Beijing navigates the tariff war with the Trump administration.
“Any sort of faux pas or comments that may go off script can be picked up and picked apart or misconstrued,” said Loh, of Singapore’s Nanyang Technological University.
“So the question is why take the risk when US-China relations are at a very delicate point at this moment,” Loh told Al Jazeera.

The Shangri-La Dialogue weekend has not always been the easiest occasion for Chinese defence ministers. In recent years, they have faced difficult questions from their counterparts in other countries, who are unhappy with Beijing’s increasing assertiveness in the Asia Pacific region.
Loh said this could be another factor in Dong’s absence from the high-profile event.
“Any Chinese defence minister coming to Singapore now will be exposing himself and the country to political risk,” he said. “Themes like the South China Sea and possibly Taiwan will emerge, which makes China a convenient target,” Loh added.
Dong was appointed as China’s defence minister in late 2023, after his predecessor, Li Shangfu, was removed from office.
Less than a year into the job, there was speculation surrounding Dong’s new position following media reports that he was under investigation as part of a wider investigation into corruption in the Chinese military. Beijing denied the reports, with the minister continuing to maintain a public profile despite the allegations.
There has also been intense scrutiny of China’s military, following reports of an apparent purge of top-level officials by President Xi Jinping.
One of Beijing’s most senior generals, He Weidong, was missing from a high-profile political meeting in April, adding to rumours surrounding a possible restructuring in the People’s Liberation Army (PLA).
Ian Chong, a nonresident scholar at the Carnegie China research centre, said such speculation could be a factor in Dong’s no-show in Singapore.
“Because of the domestic turmoil with China’s senior military, they perhaps don’t want to, or the PLA itself feels that it’s not in a position to send somebody senior,” Chong told Al Jazeera.
Announcing Dong’s absence at a news conference before the summit, Chinese military spokesperson Senior Colonel Zhang Xiaogang maintained that communication channels were still open between defence officials in Washington and Beijing.
“China places great importance on US-China military ties, and is open to communication at different levels,” Zhang said.
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