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‘People need a break’: DRC conflict reignites dark memories of Congo wars | Conflict News

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In parts of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), communities are gearing up for war or fleeing to safety amid the advance of M23 rebels, who captured the key eastern cities of Goma and Bukavu in recent weeks, leaving devastation in their wake.

The rebel group, which the United Nations says is backed by neighbouring Rwanda, has also closed in on Walikale, a major mining hub, while Kinshasa’s offer of a $5m reward for the capture of M23 leaders has not slowed the group down.

While M23 marches on in North and South Kivu, Ugandan troops have intensified deployments across their border with the DRC in Ituri province, only a few hours from the rebel-held regions. The Ugandan army says it is battling the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) and the Cooperative for the Development of Congo (CODECO) – two of several dozen armed groups operating in the DRC. A recent flare-up of CODECO attacks on civilians in February saw at least 51 people killed, prompting Uganda to send additional soldiers to boost its 5,000-strong deployment inside the DRC.

For political observers, the growing presence of both Rwandan and Ugandan soldiers in the DRC is an eerie replay of a painful past, one they fear could again lead to a bigger, regional war if not contained.

“We are indeed seeing a replica of the Second Congo War with the same actors but in slightly different configurations,” analyst Paul Nantulya of the Africa Center for Strategic Studies told Al Jazeera, referring to the leading roles both countries played in what’s now referred to as the 1998 “Great Africa War” when Rwandan and Ugandan troops invaded the DRC.

Several African countries also followed suit, backing either the DRC or the Rwandan-led side, as well as dozens of local militias on either end. The result was a humanitarian crisis that saw an estimated five million deaths; the DRC looted of mineral resources like gold; and the emergence of dozens of armed groups, including the M23.

At the time, thousands across the globe protested against the atrocities in the DRC, calling for an end to the looting and killings. Today, illegal mining and smuggling from the DRC’s mines – which provide 70 percent of the global supply of coltan and cobalt that powers electronics – have largely continued, as have deaths and displacements due to armed group activity.

“Appetite for political negotiations is low and international pressure and coercive measures have not had the deterrent effect they once had in previous bouts of crisis,” Nantulya added, referencing the European Union’s suspension of military aid support to Rwanda, and United States sanctions on key Rwandan army officials.

Kabila - DRC
Supporters of the DRC’s Joseph Kabila cheered in front of his poster at an election rally in Kinshasa in July 2006, ahead of the country’s first democratic presidential elections in 46 years [File: Nic Bothma/EPA]

A history of interference

The DRC has been in the throes of low-level violent conflict for more than three decades. In that time, more than six million people have been killed, and millions more displaced.

A complex mix of issues is to blame, among them: grievances by Kigali that the DRC harbours anti-Rwanda rebels who fled after the Hutu genocide against the Tutsis in 1994; ethnic tensions between Congolese Tutsis and their neighbours; a grab for mineral resources in insecure eastern DRC; and corruption in the Congolese government.

Rwanda’s invasion of the DRC prompted both the First and Second Congo Wars (1996-1997 and 1998-2003), as Kigali claimed to be pursuing Hutu genocidaires who had fled across the border. After President Paul Kagame’s army took power in Rwanda in 1994, the fleeing Hutu groups amassed in refugee camps in the DRC where they launched renewed attacks on Tutsis.

Uganda, where Kagame and his troops trained for years before taking power in Kigali, joined Rwanda’s side in the DRC. Both countries then backed a Congolese rebel group, led by Laurent Kabila, to unseat the dictator, President Mobutu Sese Seko. Mobutu, at the time, had many regional enemies. Several countries backed Kabila by sending arms or weapons, including Angola, Burundi, Ethiopia, Eritrea and South Africa.

However, when Kabila, upon gaining power in 1997, switched sides and ordered Rwandan and Ugandan troops out of the DRC within a day, Kigali grew vengeful. In 1998, Rwanda and Uganda invaded again, sponsoring a Tutsi militia that occupied resource-rich parts of eastern DRC. Kabila managed to rally other African nations to his side, including Namibia, Zimbabwe, Sudan, Chad and Angola, which had now switched sides under a new government. The UN deployed a peacekeeping force, MONUSCO. Kabila also enlisted the help of Hutu militia groups in eastern DRC, deepening ethnic tensions with Congolese Tutsis who are perceived as pro-Rwanda.

DRC war
From left: Presidents Paul Kagame of Rwanda, Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, and Joseph Kabila of the DRC, address a news conference after meeting in Pretoria, South Africa, in November 2002. The meeting took place to review the implementation of a peace deal signed between the DRC and Rwanda aimed at ending the Congolese war [File: Themba Hadebe/AP Photo]

Looting and rights violations

The Congo wars ended in 2003, but low-intensity violence persists, leading some experts to say it was never actually over.

Several reports in the aftermath, including from the UN, accused Rwanda and Uganda of targeting Hutu civilians and of looting and smuggling DRC’s coffee, diamonds, timber, coltan and other resources. Relatives of Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, including his younger brother Salim Saleh and Saleh’s wife, Jovia Akandwanaho, were named as the operators of companies involved in trading illicit items, especially during the second war. Congolese politicians and soldiers were also implicated.

“Natural resource exploitation became increasingly attractive, not only because it enabled these groups to finance their war efforts but also because, for a large number of political/military leaders, it was a source of personal enrichment. Natural resources thus gradually became a driving force behind the war,” one UN report read.

It also accused “foreign buyers willing to handle these goods”, including traders in the DRC and multiple countries. In 2005, Anvil, an Australian-Canadian mining company, was accused of providing logistics to the Congolese army that helped it violently suppress a small uprising in southern DRC.

The International Court of Justice (ICJ) found Kampala guilty of “violating international law” in 2022 and ordered Uganda to pay $325m to the DRC for losses and damages during the wars. Kampala has begun instalment payments and is expected to complete them by 2027.  Although the DRC also sued Rwanda, the ICJ could not rule in that case because Rwanda did not recognise its jurisdiction.

In the most recent legal battle in 2023, the DRC again sued Rwanda at the East African Court of Justice in Arusha, Tanzania, arguing that by backing M23 rebels, it violated Kinshasa’s territorial integrity against international law. That case is still ongoing. Rwanda has repeatedly denied supporting M23.

Goma residents race to bury 2,000 bodies from conflict
Children queue to fetch water at a water point, as schools remain closed down due to conflicts on the outskirts of Goma, DRC, in February 2025 [EPA]

‘DRC needs a break’

Countries that took part in the Congo wars are once again in the DRC. And again, a Congolese politician is marching on Kinshasa, this time Corneille Nangaa, leader of the rebel Congo River Alliance (AFC). A one-time elections commissioner, Nangaa fell out with Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi and then allied with M23 in December 2023. He now leads the AFC-M23 coalition.

However, Accra-based analyst Kambale Musuvali of the Center for Congo Research, told Al Jazeera that interference from DRC’s closest neighbours never stopped.

“When we say Uganda and Rwanda are in the Congo again, it is from the perspective that they left and they are returning,” Musavuli, who is Congolese, told Al Jazeera. In reality, the two governments had continuously maintained a hold on the situation in the DRC, he said.

Across the continent, it’s fairly clear where most parties stand in this iteration of the conflict: Rwanda’s support for M23 is documented by the UN, which says about 3,000 Rwandan troops are currently supporting the rebels. Burundi, under President Evariste Ndayishimiye – who has frosty relations with Kagame – deployed at least 10,000 troops to support the DRC army. South African troops lead the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Mission in the DRC and have been fighting the M23 alongside Malawian and Tanzanian soldiers since January. Angola and Kenya are leading two separate peace negotiations, while Chad is considering a request from Kinshasa to deploy troops.

Uganda, though, appears to be the wild card. The country was last year implicated by the UN of providing support to M23 by allowing its territory to be used for launching attacks, and areas the Ugandan army currently occupies in the DRC are so close to M23-held areas that analysts believe there could be some collusion. But Kampala denies any connections with M23.

“Uganda is the big elephant in the room,” analyst Nantulya said. Kampala, he added, is playing an ambiguous balancing act, working to secure a part of the DRC, while committing to not standing in M23’s way on the other hand.

DRC’s resources also remain a focal point in this conflict. So far, M23 has taken over vast expanses of North and South Kivu, which is home to massive gold and cobalt deposits. There’s speculation that the DRC’s gold has been funding the armed group, which has surprised analysts with its high-grade weaponry and telecommunications systems. The UN estimates that M23 earns about $800,000 monthly from illegal gold sales.

Ending the protracted crisis would involve a large-scale effort by African countries to get both sides to negotiate, analysts say, but also to put pressure on the DRC government itself to fix its internal affairs: Tshisekedi suffers a legitimacy crisis as Congolese popularly rejected elections that brought him into a second term. Weaknesses and ingrained corruption in the country’s military may have helped Congolese defences to falter as M23 advanced. And feelings of marginalisation are still heavy in Congolese-Tutsi communities, worsening tensions.

Kinshasa’s recent calls for a national dialogue, in addition to peace talks led by regional parties, are important steps, Musavuli said. So is the recent visit by International Criminal Court prosecutor, Karim Khan, who pledged to prosecute all sides accused of rights violations in the conflict, including indiscriminate killings and sexual abuse of civilians, he added.

“I usually get asked, ‘What about the Rwandan government? What about the Ugandan government?’ But nobody is talking about the [Congolese] people,” Musavuli said.

“We’re saying that the people of the Congo have to be alive so that they can rebuild the country for the benefit of the African continent. That’s why DRC needs a break. Not just for themselves, but for the entire African continent.”



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India general admits jet losses in clash with Pakistan: Here’s what he said | India-Pakistan Tensions News

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General Anil Chauhan, India’s chief of defence staff, has admitted that an unspecified number of fighter jets were shot down during its conflict with Pakistan last month.

The acknowledgement of aerial losses by the country’s highest ranking general comes weeks after the two South Asian neighbours were engaged in their heaviest fighting in decades, which involved fighter jets and cruise missiles.

Indian officials had previously refused to confirm or deny Pakistani claims of downing Indian jets. The conflict was triggered after gunmen killed 26 tourists in India-administered Kashmir’s Pahalgam town on April 22.

India’s first official admission of a loss of fighter jets came during Chauhan’s interviews on the sidelines of the Shangri-La Dialogue security forum in Singapore.

What was the conflict between India and Pakistan?

India carried out strikes on what it called “terror infrastructure” in Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir on May 7 in retaliation for the Pahalgam attack. India blamed armed groups backed by Pakistan for the April 22 attack.

An armed group called The Resistance Front (TRF) claimed responsibility for the Pahalgam killings. India accused the TRF of being an offshoot of the Pakistan-based armed group Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). Pakistan denied involvement, condemning the Pahalgam attack and calling for a neutral investigation.

India claimed to have targeted at least six cities in Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir on the first day of the conflict. Pakistan initially asserted that it had downed six Indian fighter jets in retaliation. But a senior Pakistan official told Al Jazeera five Indian aircraft were lost in the aerial battle.

India did not confirm or deny the Pakistani claims. “Losses are a part of combat,” Air Marshal AK Bharti, India’s director general of air operations, said at a news conference on May 11.

The Indian embassy in China called reports of the downing of jets “disinformation”.

After that, tit-for-tat cross-border attacks across the Line of Control (LoC), the de facto border between India- and Pakistan-administered Kashmir, rattled the region, renewing fears of a nuclear war.

On May 10, United States President Donald Trump announced that the two countries had reached a ceasefire, potentially averting a “nuclear disaster”. India and Pakistan have given competing claims on casualties in the fighting, but more than 70 people were killed on both sides.

Both India and Pakistan claim Kashmir in full but administer only parts of the Muslim-majority Himalayan territory.

Here is what Chauhan said in recent interviews with the Reuters news agency and Bloomberg TV:

On the downing of Indian fighter jets

Chauhan admitted that India suffered air losses on the first day of fighting without giving details.

In an interview with Reuters, he said: “What was important is why did these losses occur and what we’ll do after that.”

The Indian general said that after the losses, the Indian army “rectified tactics” and then went back on May 7, 8 and 10 “in large numbers to hit airbases deep inside Pakistan, penetrated all their air defences with impunity, carried out precision strikes”. He added that the Indian air force “flew all types of aircraft with all types of ordnances” on May 10.

Islamabad acknowledged that its airbases suffered some minimal losses but denied that it lost any planes.

When a Bloomberg reporter asked Chauhan about Pakistan’s claims that six Indian jets were downed, Chauhan responded that this information was incorrect.

He went on to say: “What is important is … not the jets being downed but why they were downed.” Some media outlets inferred that his statement appeared to imply that a number of jets were lost in the aerial battle.

The general did not provide details about the number of jets downed or specifics about what these rectified tactics were.

The Pakistani military said India did not fly its fighter jets in the conflict again after suffering the air losses.

On the risks of nuclear war

Media reports suggested that some attacks were near Pakistan’s nuclear sites but the nuclear infrastructure itself was not a target.

“Most of the strikes were delivered with pinpoint accuracy, some even to a metre [3.3ft] to whatever was our selected mean point of impact,” Chauhan said in the interview with Reuters.

Chauhan had previously provided assurances that India was not considering using nuclear weapons during the conflict. The chairman of Pakistan’s joint chiefs of staff, General Sahir Shamshad Mirza, has done the same for his country.

“I think there’s a lot of space before that nuclear threshold is crossed, a lot of signalling before that. I think nothing like that happened. There’s a lot of space for conventional operations which has been created, and this will be the new norm,” Chauhan said.

The Indian general added that on both sides, the most “rational people are in uniform” during conflict because they understand the consequences of “this kind of conflict”.

“I found both sides displaying a lot of rationality in their thoughts as well as actions. So why should we assume that in the nuclear domain there will be irrationality on someone else’s part?”

On Chinese role

The Indian chief of defence staff said that while Pakistan enjoys a close alliance with China, there was no sign that Beijing helped Islamabad during the conflict.

China sits on India’s northern and eastern borders and controls a barely inhabited northeastern zone in Kashmir called Aksai Chin.

“We didn’t find any unusual activity in the operational or tactical depth of our northern borders, and things were generally all right,” Chauhan said.

When Chauhan was asked whether China provided Pakistan with intelligence information such as satellite imagery, the Indian general responded by saying that such information is commercially available and Pakistan could have obtained it from China or other sources.

However, Chauhan said “almost 80 percent of the equipment” in Pakistan has been procured from China in the past few years.

From 2020 to 2025, China supplied 81 percent of Pakistan’s arms imports, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.

Chinese jets got a boost after media reports said Pakistan used Chinese-manufactured J-10C fighter jets in the air battle. The Chinese government did not officially confirm that the J-10C jets were used to down Indian jets, but China Central Television, a state broadcaster, posted on social media on May 17 that the jets achieved actual combat results for the first time.

What’s next

Chauhan said that while hostilities have ceased, India would “respond precisely and decisively should there be any further terror attacks emanating from Pakistan”. He added that this will be a new normal for India.

“So that has its own dynamics as far [as] the armed forces are concerned. It will require us to be prepared 24/7.”

The president of the main opposition Indian National Congress party said Chauhan’s admission warrants a review of India’s defence preparedness.

“There are some very important questions which need to be asked. These can only be asked if a Special Session of the Parliament is immediately convened,” Mallikarjun Kharge wrote in an X post on Saturday.

Referring to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, he added: “The Modi Govt has misled the nation. The fog of war is now clearing.”

“We salute [the Indian military’s] resolute courage and bravery,” Kharge said. “However, a comprehensive strategic review is the need of the hour.”

The Congress party has called the Pahalgam attack a “security and intelligence failure” and sought accountability, given that India-administered Kashmir is directly governed from New Delhi.



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Ballet helps fight war fatigue in Ukraine’s front-line Kharkiv city | Russia-Ukraine war

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In the Ukrainian city of Kharkiv, escaping the war with Russia is nearly impossible.

On certain days, when the wind shifts, residents of this historic city can hear the distant rumble of artillery fire from the front line, some 30km (18.5 miles) away.

Most nights, Russian kamikaze drones packed with explosives buzz overhead as parents put their children to bed.

Three years since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the unrelenting war exerts a heavy psychological burden on many in Kharkiv. Yet, there is a place in the city where, for a few fleeting hours, the war seems to vanish.

Beneath the Kharkiv National Academic Opera and Ballet Theatre, in a dim, brick-walled basement, a dance company has established a refuge from drones and bombs – a space where audiences can lose themselves in performances of classic ballets.

In April, this underground venue hosted performances of Chopiniana, an early 20th-century ballet set to the music of Frederic Chopin. Despite the improvised setting, the ballet was staged with full classical grandeur, complete with corps de ballet and orchestra.

In Ukraine's Kharkiv, ballet offers hope to a war-torn city
Ballerina Olena Shevtsova, 43, practises for the revival of Chopiniana, in the underground area of the National Academic Opera and Ballet Theatre [Marko Djurica/Reuters]

It marked a significant milestone for Kharkiv’s cultural life: the first complete classical ballet performance in the city since February 2022, when Russian troops launched their invasion of Ukraine.

“In spite of everything – the fact that bombs are flying, drones, and everything else – we can give a gift of something wonderful to people,” said Antonina Radiievska, artistic director of Opera East, the ballet company behind the production.

“They can come and, even if it’s just for an hour or two, completely immerse themselves in a different world.”

Despite Ukraine’s rich tradition in classical ballet, the art form now seems far removed from the everyday existence of Ukrainians living through war. Daily routines revolve around monitoring apps for drone alerts, sleeping on metro station floors to escape air raids, or seeking news of loved ones on the front line. Pirouettes, pas de deux and chiffon tutus feel worlds away.

Nevertheless, the journey of Kharkiv’s ballet through wartime reflects the ways in which Ukrainian society has adapted and evolved.

On February 23, 2022, the National Academic Opera and Ballet Theatre staged a performance of the ballet Giselle. The next day, Russia launched its full-scale invasion. As Moscow’s forces advanced towards Kharkiv and threatened to seize the city, the theatre closed its doors and much of the ballet troupe departed.

Some regrouped in Slovakia and Lithuania, mounting ballet productions abroad with assistance from European sponsors.

In Ukraine's Kharkiv, ballet offers hope to a war-torn city
Press secretary of the National Theatre in Kharkiv walks inside the main stage, which is closed to the public [Marko Djurica/Reuters]

By 2023, although the conflict ground on, the situation in Kharkiv, in Ukraine’s northeast, had stabilised after Russian ground troops withdrew. A new realisation took hold – this was a long-term reality. Locals began referring to the city, and themselves, with the Ukrainian word “nezlamniy”, meaning invincible.

That year, work began on transforming the theatre’s basement into a performance venue. By October 2023, it was being used for rehearsals. The following spring, authorities permitted the theatre to admit audiences, and small-scale ballet performances, including children’s concerts, resumed.

The revival of Chopiniana marked the next chapter in Kharkiv’s wartime cultural journey.

Staging a classical opera again signals that Ukraine endures, says Igor Tuluzov, director-general of Opera East. “We are demonstrating to the world that we really are a self-sufficient state, independent, in all its aspects, including cultural independence,” he said.

The auditorium now seats 400 people on stackable chairs, compared with the 1,750 seats in the main theatre above, where the plush mustard seats remain empty.

The stage is a quarter the size of the main one. Grey-painted bricks, concrete floors, and exposed pipes and wiring form a stark contrast to the varnished hardwood and marble of the theatre above. The basement’s acoustics, performers say, fall short of the cavernous main auditorium.

For artistic director Radiievska, however, the most important thing is that, after a long pause, she and her troupe can once again perform for a live audience.

“It means, you know, life,” she said. “An artist cannot exist without the stage, without creativity, without dance or song. It’s like a rebirth.”



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Sudan Paramilitary Claims Key Gains in Kordofan; Fighting Intensifies Near Khartoum

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Khartoum, May 30, 2025 — Rapid Support Forces (RSF) deputy leader Abdel Rahim Daglo announced on Friday that RSF fighters would press their eastward advance toward Khartoum, claiming “great victories” in several strategic towns across Kordofan. Addressing troops at an undisclosed location, Daglo said that all armed groups within the Tasis coalition had joined his paramilitary ranks and were now operating in concert with the RSF.

According to Daglo, RSF units seized control of Al-Dubaibat and Al-Hammadi in South Kordofan state, as well as Al-Khawi in neighboring West Kordofan. “Our fighters have secured these areas after intense clashes with Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) units and allied militias,” Daglo declared, adding that the momentum would not wane until the capital was within reach.

Sudan’s army, however, downplayed recent RSF advances as part of a “reorganization” campaign. A senior ally of the SAF—also the governor of Darfur—insisted that the military was regrouping and fortified its positions to counter what he described as “a temporary setback.” He maintained that the SAF’s strategic reserves remained intact and that front-line forces were being repositioned to mount a sustained defense of Khartoum.

As fighting has spread northward, the humanitarian situation in Khartoum has deteriorated sharply. With basic services all but collapsed, a deadly cholera outbreak has emerged in the densely populated capital. Aid agencies warn that the impending rainy season could exacerbate sanitation challenges, fueling further disease transmission. The United Nations has labeled the crisis “the world’s worst humanitarian emergency,” citing over 25,000 confirmed deaths and more than 3 million internally displaced persons since April.

International pressure has also mounted on Sudan’s transitional government. In late May, Washington imposed sanctions on Sudanese military leaders for the “alleged use of chemical weapons” against civilians. In response, the government announced a national investigation into the claims—a move it said was aimed at preserving Sudan’s international standing amid intensifying conflict.

With both sides entrenching their positions around Khartoum, observers warn that a protracted stalemate could unleash further civilian suffering. The RSF’s pledge to advance eastward has raised concerns that front-line engagements may spill into densely populated suburbs, where millions have already endured weeks of intermittent shelling and aerial bombardments. For now, the fate of Khartoum—and the broader prospects for peace—remain uncertain as paramilitary and army forces brace for a decisive showdown.

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