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Crisps: How a greasy airbag of gratification became Britain’s national dish

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CNN
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Fried breakfast. Sunday lunch. Fish and chip supper. Any member of this holy triumvirate might qualify for the title of Britain’s National Dish. Except that Britain’s real signature plate isn’t served on a plate at all, but from a metalized plastic bag. It doesn’t sizzle or boil, but rustles and crunches — a greasy airbag of impetuous gratification, snacky saline satisfaction, and ultimately, empty calories.

This is the story of the crisp — the wafer-thin sliced, deep-fried slivers of seasoned potato that continue to hook millions, and stole the hearts of a nation in more ways than one.

Tune into BBC Radio 6 Music on a Sunday morning, and between tunes from CMAT and Radiohead, you may well hear the sound of someone nibbling on crisps. The presenters Marc Radcliffe and Stuart Maconie have not been caught off guard snacking between tracks however; “Crisps on the Radio” is a long-running segment on their morning show, in which listeners mail in packets of crisps they’ve discovered from around the world, and Radcliffe and Maconie attempt to work out what flavor they’re supposed to be.

This whimsical use of airtime underscores Brits’ unparalleled affinity with the crisp, a snack that is infinitely more than just a snack. Britons consume some 10 billion bags of crisps each year. On weekday lunchtimes, walls of crisps are raided from British supermarkets, as workers grab a bag as part of a “meal deal.” Picnics in the park are considered piteous without the addition of a family-sized bag of crisps. Online commentators endlessly shuffle crisps into tiers of deliciousness, while stand-up comedians count the ways in which people finish off the crumbly remnants of their crisp packet.

The crisp sandwich: For Britons, arguably the best thing since sliced bread.

In 2022, Nigella Lawson, one of the country’s most adored TV cooks, teamed up with Walkers — the nation’s best-selling crisps brand — to create a recipe for the perfect crisp sandwich (ingredients: bread, butter, crisps). The next year, Kicks Bar and Grill in Hull, in the northeast of England inveigled customers through its doors with an all-you-can-eat crisp buffet. In her 2024 book “Crunch: An Ode to Crisps,” Natalie Whittle writes: “It is hard to escape the strange connective force of crisps in British life.”

You might say the Brits have an unhealthy obsession with the crisp. But how did it get here in the first place? The answer is: it came from America. Sort of.

It’s an origin story worthy of Hollywood. The setting: Moon’s Lake House restaurant in Saratoga Springs, New York, 1853. The main players: chef George Crum, and diner/railway tycoon/fussy eater Cornelius Vanderbilt. The tale goes that Vanderbilt demanded Crum cut his potatoes thinner… and thinner… and thinner. Crum eventually blew his top, shaved the potatoes passive-aggressively thin with a mandolin, and sent them back out to the customer in spite. Except that Vanderbilt loved these crackly scraps of salted spud, and thus “Saratoga Chips” were born.

It’s likely this anecdote was bent into more pleasing shape over time — for one thing, Crum’s sister Catherine Adkins Wicks always maintained she’d been the one manning the frying pan, not Crum — but it’s true that someone at Moon’s Lake House sliced those potatoes wafer thin, and it’s also true that, before the century was out, industrious business folk like William Tappenden had pounced on the snack’s potential as a store-sold item, not just a restaurant specialty.

Any Brits in need of a lie down after hearing this distinctly un-British backstory, however, can breathe easy. Technically, the crisp had already been invented over in England; here, in 1817, the first known crisp recipe was published in William Kitchiner’s “The Cook’s Oracle” as “Potatoes fried in Slices or Shavings”:

William Kitchiner: The crisp's inventor?

“Peel large potatoes; slice them about a quarter of an inch thick, or cut them in shavings round and round, as you would peel a lemon; dry them well in a clean cloth, and fry them in lard or dripping….”

Kitchiner, who was born and died in London, is also known for whipping up the first-ever batch of Wow-Wow Sauce. The fact he was also a doctor may raise eyebrows now, given the crisp’s dubious health implications. It may be that only a handful of Brits ever tried Kitchiner’s crisp recipe anyway — but he does appear to have got there before anyone else, American or otherwise.

And while commercially shrewd America had a headstart when it came to marketing the potato chip in the late 19th/early 20th century, Britain took up the baton full-heartedly in 1920, thanks to the entrepreneur Frank Smith, who converted two garages in the north London suburb of Cricklewood into the country’s first crisp factory. Smith’s real breakthrough though was a delightfully simple one. As pub landlords quickly grew annoyed that their customers were stealing salt shakers in order to season their slivers of fried potato, Smith introduced a twist of blue paper, each containing a pinch of salt, and added to every greaseproof bag.

Now the British crisp was really cooking, and by the time the country was through with World War II, the market had grown hungrier than ever. Edinburgh’s Golden Wonder and Sunderland’s Tudor crisp companies arrived on the scene in 1947. The following year, Henry Walker, a butcher in the central English city of Leicester, pivoted his business to make hand-sliced crisps. That same company now produces over 11 million bags of crisps a day.

But there was an elephant in the room. The crisp was relentlessly monotone. You could have any flavor, as long as it was salted/unsalted. Neither the Americans nor the Brits solved this particular issue. That was a job for Dublin-born Joe “Spud” Murphy, who shunned a life in the priesthood (“To hell with this, we need one sinner in the family”) and instead formed the Tayto crisp company, in 1954. Sick to the back teeth of plain crisps, Murphy made his first point of order to add a seasoning powder to his Taytos, namely Cheese and Onion. The people went for it, boosted by early marketing campaigns which advised these crisps were the ideal accompaniment to salads… and fried breakfasts. The Smith’s salt sachet suddenly seemed altogether quaint.

There are two Irish Tayto companies, but only the Northern Irish one (pictured) has the rights to sell in the UK. The Republic of Ireland Tayto, founded in 1954 by Joe

Golden Wonder copied Tayto with its own Cheese and Onion offering. Then, in 1967, Tudor (by now a subsidiary of Smith’s) released the first Salt and Vinegar crisps, a tongue-tingling seasoning that remains a stalwart today. More riotous flavors followed, albeit still geared towards British/Irish palates: Pickled Onion, Lamb & Mint Sauce, Curry, Gammon & Pineapple. A 1981 episode of the BBC consumer TV show “That’s Life!” thrust unmarked bowls of crisps in front of unsuspecting members of the public, inviting them to guess the flavor (perhaps that’s where “Crisps on the Radio” got its idea from). “It’s not snake is it?” ventured one gentleman, chewing timidly on a prawn cocktail crisp.

Crisp lovers were now tasting in Technicolor, and in the same year the “That’s Life!” episode aired, flavors really jumped the shark — in fact another animal altogether — thanks to Hedgehog-flavoured crisps, the barmy brainchild of pub landlord Phillip Lewis. Lewis was soon after forced to tweak the name to Hedgehog Flavour Crisps, because they did not in fact contain hedgehog, but he’d made his point: anything in the world of crisps was possible.

In the 1980s the crisp became a staple of British life. The punk band Splodgenessabounds released “Two Pints of Lager and a Packet of Crisps Please”, a distorted paean to a common order down the local pub. Come the middle of the decade, Brits were splashing an extraordinary £805m (over a billion dollars) on crisps and snacks alone.

Companies upped the ante with TV commercials. Walkers — by now pulling away from the competition — called in the big guns. The veteran English comedian Ronnie Barker asked viewers “Don’t you insist on Walkers crisps?”. What turned out to be the ultimate coup for Walkers, though, was a call-up for the England soccer striker Gary Lineker. Like Walkers, Lineker hailed from Leicester, and — putting a spin on his real-life clean-cut image — the sports star gamely moonlighted as a crisp-thieving bad lad.

Former soccer star Gary Lineker, second left, joins other UK sporting world personalities at the launch of Walker's new barbecue-flavored crisps in 1996.

So began a beautiful friendship. During the 1990s Lineker played the hammy villain opposite A-listers like the Spice Girls, Bugs Bunny and his former England teammate Paul “Gazza” Gascoigne. For a while, the brand’s Salt and Vinegar crisps were even renamed “Salt and Lineker.” Increasingly, kids became the target of these campaigns; not just thanks to an ever-swelling medley of flavors, but the promise of free Mega Fiddler toys and Star Wars Tazos slipped inside packets.

Crisps now inhabited the same universe as football, pop music, movies and cartoons. They even became a fashion accessory; Natalie Whittle writes in “Crunch: An Ode to Crisps” about how she’d shrink old crisp packets in the oven. These could then be used as things like earrings and key fobs. “My memory is lots of children revelling in crisps just as much as I did,” writes Whittle.

But a second kind of crisp had also taken wing, as the snack started to grow up.

“I haven’t met anyone yet who has said they don’t like crisps. I’m not sure I could ever truly trust someone who said they didn’t!” says the drinks writer Neil Ridley. His 2024 book, “The Crisp Sommelier,” pairs 185 different styles and flavors of crisp with various wines, beers, hard ciders and cocktails (a fine white Burgundy “sits wonderfully,” Ridley recommends, with the light meatiness of a smoked ham crisp).

“As adults, we’re supposed to abandon the flavors of our childhoods as we grow up and explore more sophisticated tastes and flavors,” says Ridley, “So for me, ‘The Crisp Sommelier’ really taps into that fondness for nostalgic flavours and aligns it with the obviously more adult themes of alcohol pairing.”

Ridley’s book also taps into a concept of crisp elevation which was already underway 40-odd years ago. In 1988, Kettle Brand Chips — first established in Salem, Oregon — established an outpost in Norfolk, England, bringing a thicker-cut crisp made from organic potatoes and oil to the British market. The bag was bigger, too, encouraging a sense of the deluxe and communal — something to pour into bowls at social gatherings and have people pick at while sipping their aperitifs. “I’m in heaven,” gushed a columnist for the Shields Daily Gazette local newspaper in 2001. “Kettle Chips has launched its latest seasonal edition… Sour Cream, Lemon and Black Pepper is the flavoursome snack to die for. Our friends popped round for Sunday tea and the Kettle Chips proved a huge hit.”

Crisps could now be aspirational for adults as well as kids, something to show off to friends and neighbors, like a new dress or television. Other “posh” brands followed suit. Tyrells — flaunting a rustic farmyard provenance, and potatoes with names like Lady Rosetta and Lady Claire — came onto the scene in 2002. Walkers ran with the herd, launching its Sensations range in 2002. Literally branded as “Posh crisps from Walkers,” these were initially promoted with the help of Victoria Beckham, aka Posh Spice, in a commercial which saw her famous soccer-playing husband being switched out for, you guessed it, Gary Lineker.

In 2025, the quest for the perfect crisp continues. While this year’s Edinburgh Festival Fringe performance arts event includes a show about exactly that, current crisp trends include Slabs, comically chunky discs of potato that rail against the innate thinness of the crisp, come in flavors including Pan-Fried Egg, and can be sourced at trendy pubs like the Shirker’s Rest in New Cross, South London — where they encourage you to dunk it in another British culinary obsession: brown sauce. Meanwhile, harking back to crisps’ restaurant origins, Liverpool’s critically-acclaimed eatery Manifest has been praised for its “still warm” salt and vinegar crisps starter — perhaps not a million miles from the ones Cornelius Vanderbilt fell in love with back in 1853.

Long derided as a (literally) pale imitation of the British crisp, some European offerings have now caught the attention of Brits too. Torres crisps, made near Barcelona in Spain, come in flavors including Iberian Ham, and Extra Virgin Olive Oil, and have almost become a form of British tapas for the languorous middle classes.

Well-founded concerns around the health implications of a nation hooked on crisps (in 2006 the British Heart Foundation ran an infamous campaign showing a young girl chugging a bottle of cooking oil) mean that many healthier options are now on the table too, including crisps that are baked or roasted, rather than fried. Ingredients like root vegetables, lentils and chickpeas are increasingly used in place of the potato, though most crisp eaters would suggest that’s an entirely different taxonomy of snack altogether.

No one’s thrown in the towel on unearthing the next big flavor, no matter how abnormal that might turn out to be; a glance at Museum of Crisps’ preposterous list reveals a litany of Wonka-esque freaks: Candy Cane, Gin & Tonic, Rose Petal, Pumpkin Pie. Walkers alone has 125 flavors on British shelves at any one time, while its boffins toil away in “crisp test kitchens,” dreaming up more. Walkers fans pitch new flavor ideas to the company every single day. And yet, the truth is, the best crisp flavors were discovered a long time ago.

THK_CRISPS_071625_015-v2.gif

Cheese and Onion remains the most popular flavor of both Walkers and Tayto, despite being the first one ever trialed, almost 70 years ago. “These humble flavours have really stood the test of time,” says Stephanie Herbert, head of marketing at Walkers. When it comes to upmarket crisps, the classic flavors win out too. “Lye Cross Cheddar & Onion, Anglesey Sea Salt, and Burrow Hill Cider Vinegar are the top picks,” says Herbert, of the Pipers range, which Walkers owners PepsiCo bought out in 2019.

That most pedestrian of flavors, Ready Salted, isn’t far behind in the popularity polls, while Smith’s Salt ‘n’ Shake crisps, also now part of the PepsiCo stable, are still enjoyed by millions of Brits, who find the quirk of seasoning their own crisps an enjoyable ritual.

Neil Ridley, “The Crisp Sommelier” author, explains: “The bottom line is brands can premiumize crisps to their heart’s content, but they’re still a simple, affordable, fun-in-a-bag food that can operate at the highest echelons of society as well as the lowest. In short, they’re truly ours, as a nation.

“The potato crisp intertwines our social and cultural backgrounds, our childhoods and how we approach our working lives too. It’s a quick and easy way to travel around the world from flavor to flavor, it’s shareable, it evokes feelings of nostalgia and it also satisfies us in so many more ways than simply filling us up.”

Stephanie Herbert from Walkers agrees. “Few nations have embraced the crisp quite like Britain,” she says. “Crisps are woven into the fabric of everyday British life.

“In their own modest, distinctly British way, they’re as iconic as any national dish.”

Writer’s note: This article doesn’t touch on the wider definition of bagged British snacks, e.g. Skips, Scampi Fries, Frazzles, Chipsticks, Monster Munch. Although some readers might disagree, they’re not strictly crisps.



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Kneecap, Massive Attack, Brian Eno among UK and Irish musicians banding together to speak out on Israel’s war in Gaza

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CNN
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A group of musicians from the United Kingdom and Ireland say they have formed a syndicate to advocate for artists speaking out against Israel’s war in Gaza and the role of foreign governments in funding it.

“Because of our expressions of conscience, we’ve been subject to various intimidations from within our industry” and “legally via organised bodies such as UK Lawyers for Israel (UKLFI),” read a social media post by the band Massive Attack, a version of which has been shared by Kneecap and Fontaines D.C., as well as musician and producer Brian Eno.

The musicians said they are aware of “aggressive, vexatious campaigns operated by UKLFI and of multiple individual incidences of intimidation within the music industry itself” designed to censor and silence artists.

CNN has reached out to UKLFI for comment.

The posts come after Northern Irish rappers Kneecap and the British rap-punk duo Bob Vylan drew criticism for their pro-Palestinian and anti-Israel rhetoric. Both are facing police investigations for their performances at Glastonbury music festival, following reports by UKLFI.

UKLFI said it reported a singer in Bob Vylan to the police for chanting “Death to the IDF” during their Glastonbury set, referring to the Israeli military. It also reported UK public broadcaster the BBC for showing the set. The BBC later called Bob Vylan’s performance “antisemitic” and said it should not have been broadcast.

A member of Kneecap, which has been a vocal critic of Israel and the war in Gaza, was charged with a terrorism offense last month for allegedly displaying a flag “in support of Hezbollah,” according to London police, following a report by UKLFI.

UK counterterrorism police said they were investigating the group after videos emerged allegedly showing the band calling for British politicians to be killed and shouting “up Hamas, up Hezbollah,” in apparent support for the militant groups from Gaza and Lebanon, respectively, both enemies of Israel.

Kneecap has previously said it has never supported Hamas or Hezbollah and that the footage circulating online has been “deliberately taken out of all context” as part of a “smear campaign” following their criticism of Israel and the United States over the former’s 20-month war in Gaza.

Both Bob Vylan and Kneecap have faced widespread gig cancellations.

UKLFI said it had written to the UK venues where Kneecap was due to perform this summer and warned them “of the risks of allowing them to perform.”

The US State Department banned Bob Vylan from performing in the US.

In their joint social media posts, the musicians in the newly-formed alliance encouraged other artists who wish to speak up but are afraid of repercussions to contact them.

“The scenes in Gaza have moved beyond description,” said the post announcing the formation of the syndicate, which calls for a ceasefire; the “immediate, unfettered access” of aid to Gaza; the end of UK arms sales to Israel; and other measures.

“Having withstood these campaigns of attempted censorship, we won’t stand by and allow other artists – particularly those at earlier stages of their careers or in other positions of professional vulnerability – to be threatened into silence or career cancellation.”

The English singer Paloma Faith lent her support on the post shared by Kneecap.

“Keep going everyone it’s going to eventually change! Hang in there,” she wrote in a comment via her verified account on Instagram.



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Analysis: China was on the sidelines of the Iran-Israel war. That’s just where it wanted to be

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Hong Kong
CNN
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Weeks after his country was battered by waves of Israeli strikes and the US bombed three of its prized nuclear facilities, Iran’s foreign minister came to a gathering of regional diplomats in China this week with a simple ask.

Their group, the Beijing and Moscow-backed Shanghai Cooperation Organization, should have a way to coordinate response to military aggression and play a “central role” in addressing such threats, Abbas Araghchi said, according to Iranian state media.

Along with Iran, fellow SCO members China and Russia are key members of what lawmakers in Washington have dubbed an “axis” of authoritarian nations or a growing anti-American alignment of Iran, North Korea, China and Russia.

But Iran’s proposal didn’t seem to get the direct endorsement of the group, a regional security body whose 10 members include close partners China and Russia, but also rivals India and Pakistan.

And contained in Araghchi’s message was a public hint of Iran’s disappointment: that in its time of need last month – when Israeli and US forces struck at will at top military and technological targets – its powerful friends in Beijing and Moscow appeared to sit on the sidelines.

Even still, in a meeting with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in China’s Tianjin on Wednesday, Araghchi “thanked China for its valuable support to Iran,” according to a Chinese readout.

Earlier this month at a summit of BRICS, another China- and Russia-backed grouping of major emerging economies, member state Iran got little more than a statement of “serious concern over deliberate attacks on civilian infrastructure and peaceful nuclear facilities.”

The declaration “condemned” the strikes but did not name Israel or the US.

China’s public response – to explicitly condemn the attacks, but not take an evident direct role in peacemaking – however, was widely seen as a sign of the limits to its power in the Middle East, despite its bid in recent years to ramp up its economic and diplomat clout in the region.

Beijing has instead focused on using the conflict to play up another message: that China does not want to be a global leader that uses power in the same way as the US.

Iran's Minister of Foreign Affairs Abbas Araghchi mets Russian counterpart Sergei Lavrov of a Shanghai Cooperation Organization meeting on July 15 in Tianjin, China.

The propaganda machine of China’s ruling Communist Party has long decried America’s “hegemony” and its “wanton use” of force as its rolls out examples of US’ involvement in multiple conflicts of recent decades.

Frictions with Washington over trade and tech make selling that messaging more important for Beijing, as it needs friends now more than ever. And it sees US President Donald Trump’s brash “America First” foreign policy as creating an opening there.

Over the past decade, Chinese aggression to enforce its disputed claims in the South China Sea, its military intimidation of Taiwan, and the growing reach of its expanded navy, whose aircraft carrier strike groups recently conducted drills further from home shores and in greater strength than ever before, have raised alarm among its neighbors – and fueled Washington’s urgent warnings to its allies against dealing too closely with China.

Beijing has cried “hypocrisy” and, in 2022, Chinese leader Xi Jinping unveiled his own vision for global security architecture – short on detail, but clear that it opposed the US-led alliance system and military intervention.

That vision has brought together Xi and Russian President Vladimir Putin, whose shared mistrust for NATO – and view that it’s a provocative actor – is a key point of alignment, and a subtext for why Beijing has never condemned Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Experts say China’s apparent lack of a role even in mediating the conflict between Israel and Iran, a country with which Beijing has deep historic and economic ties, shows the limits of its influence in the region.

But they also say Beijing has little interest in wading into the region’s security as a power player.

“In terms of providing mediation, (China) has offered and is more than willing … but it has little capacity to project military power in the Middle East, and even less political will to be openly and directly involved,” said William Figueroa, an expert of China-Iran relations and an assistant professor at the University of Groningen in the Netherlands.

Unlike the US, which maintains substantial military assets to back its allies and interests in the region, China’s on the ground military presence is limited to a naval base in the Horn of Africa nation of Djibouti. Indeed, Beijing’s only military alliance is a historic one with neighboring and fellow one-party communist state North Korea.

Beijing also shied away from joining international efforts last winter to protect key shipping lanes under attack from Houthi rebels in Yemen following Israel’s war on Gaza.

The attacks put China’s commercial interests at risk even though the Houthis said they won’t target Chinese or Russian vessels. And when it comes to efforts to push for a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas in Gaza, China has again been on the sidelines, despite positioning itself as leading international voice calling for a ceasefire and criticizing Israel’s war.

Some experts have argued that if China had more global military might then it may throw around that weight more outside its own region.

But in the Israel-Iran conflict, Beijing’s focus was instead on “presenting its support for international law as a superior alternative to what it portrays as the West’s militaristic, unlawful interventions,” according to Tong Zhao, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

“While this narrative has limited traction among Middle Eastern states, it plays well in the Global South—where it serves to burnish China’s image and reinforce its strategic competition with Washington at the global level,” Zhao added.

Iran's Defense Minister Aziz Nasirzadeh (second from left) joins SCO counterparts in a meeting in China's Qingdao a day after the Israel-Iran ceasefire last month.

Even if Beijing’s reaction was not surprising to Tehran, going to China and “acting like everything’s great” may have a been “a bitter pill to swallow” for Araghchi and Iran’s Defense Minister Aziz Nasirzadeh as both traveled to China in recent weeks, according to Jonathan Fulton, a senior fellow for the Atlantic Council’s Middle East Programs.

Beijing and Tehran have no mutual defense treaty, and the relationship has largely been an economic one. China takes more than 90% of Iran’s oil trade, imported through intermediaries, which totaled some $40 billion in profits for Iran last year, according to Muyu Xu, a senior oil analyst at trade intelligence firm Kpler.

Even when it comes to China’s closest international partner, Russia, Beijing has tread carefully: stopping short of large-scale supply of military goods for Moscow’s war in Ukraine, instead buying up Russian fuel and supplying it with dual-use goods that can power its defense industrial base.

That support, and more direct military backing from Iran and North Korea for Russia’s war, has raised alarm in the West about emerging coordination among members into a so-called anti-American “axis.”

But the latest stress-test of the “axis” appeared to show its weaknesses: as Israeli and US bombs rained down on Iran, Russia and China looked more focused on their own interests and rhetoric, analysts say, rather than backing Iran materially or using their weight to push Israel or the US to stop the fighting. Xi and Putin did, however, use the conflict to stress their own united front.

That said, when it comes to ties with Iran, the real test is likely what’s next.

“This is a good example (that) there are limitations to what China’s going to do in terms of direct intervention in a military conflict,” Brian Hart, a fellow of the China Power Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) think tank, said during a recent talk held by the Washington-based center. But “it’s too soon to count China’s support for Iran out.”

China’s model for Russia of “largely walking right up to that line of not providing overt military support,” could become a dynamic that develops here, Hart said, as Beijing looks to help the regime in Tehran say in power. Dual-use Chinese-made chemicals needed to produce missile fuel were delivered to Iran earlier this year, CNN reporting shows.

Even still, Beijing may be looking more skeptically at Iran as a powerful partner in the region in light of the country’s “inability to project power to defend its airspace” against Israel last month, according to Atlantic Council’s Fulton.

And when it comes to how the latest events may impact any coordination between the so-called “axis” countries, the fundamentals have not changed, he said.

Far from being an alliance or a bloc like those in the West, China, Iran, Russia and North Korea have an “alignment of grievances” against the West, but “very different ideas” of how to reshape global rules to address that, Fulton said.

And for Beijing, “what it needs in the Middle East is economically motivated – it needs a stable region, and Iran doesn’t really support that. Iran causes as many problems as it solves for Beijing.”



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UK to lower national voting age to 16 under government proposals

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The United Kingdom could become one of the first European countries to lower the voting age to 16 in all national elections, in what the government is calling a landmark effort to “future-proof” its democracy.

If passed by the parliament, the proposed reforms, unveiled Thursday, would bring national votes in line with elections in Scotland, Wales and the Channel Islands, where younger voters already cast ballots.

“Young people deserve to have a stake and to have a say in the future of our democracy,” said Rushanara Ali, parliamentary under-secretary for local government in the House of Commons on Thursday.

“When we came into power just over a year ago, the government committed through its manifesto to bring forward measures to strengthen our precious democracy and uphold the integrity of our elections.”

The UK’s move, which could be in place for the next general election, follows a growing global trend toward younger enfranchisement.

Darren Hughes, chief executive of the Electoral Reform Society, welcomed the proposed reforms, telling CNN that lowering the voting age would “help more young people to cast that all-important, habit-forming vote at a point when they can be supported with civic education.”

“Participation is a vital sign of the health of our democracy. If fewer people vote, our democracy becomes weaker,” he added.

In 2008, Austria became the first European country to lower its national voting age to 16, with Malta adopting the change a decade later. In South America, countries including Brazil, Nicaragua, Ecuador and Argentina have permitted voting from age 16 for years.

Across much of the world, however, 18 remains the standard minimum voting age. In Asia, countries such as Indonesia and East Timor have set the threshold at 17, while Singapore, Lebanon, and Oman require citizens to wait until 21 to cast a ballot.

Within the UK, the government’s intentions have drawn scrutiny.

James Yucel, head of campaigns at the center-right thinktank Onward, told CNN that the proposal was “not some noble push for democracy” but instead “political engineering aimed at boosting (Labour’s) support.”

In both opinion polls and votes, younger voters tend to skew more heavily towards Labour than the main opposition Conservatives.

The proposed reforms drew criticism from the Conservative Party on Thursday, with lawmaker and shadow cabinet member Paul Holmes saying in the House of Commons: “Why does this government think a 16-year-old can vote, but not be allowed to buy a lottery ticket, an alcoholic drink, marry, or go to war, or even stand in the elections they are voting in?”

The reforms would also expand acceptable voter ID to include digital formats of existing IDs, such as driving licenses and armed forces’ veterans’ cards. UK-issued bank cards would also be accepted.



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