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Month of giving: Syrians in Ethiopia keep Ramadan iftar tradition alive | Religion

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Addis Ababa, Ethiopia – Images of old Damascus and Aleppo adorn the walls of a modest restaurant tucked into Bole Michael, a working-class neighbourhood near Addis Ababa’s international airport.

Chatter in Arabic and Amharic fills the air, mingling with the sizzling of a grill roasting a giant shawarma skewer and oil crackling around crunchy kebeiba (bulgur and ground meat balls).

In the kitchen, Syrian chef Ahmed Ibrahim and his two assistants prepare for the evening rush. As the sun begins its descent, they carefully fill small bowls with hummus and dates for guests in the restaurant and pack takeaway meals for those who stop by seeking a free meal.

In the spirit of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, Ibrahim says he is happy to give back.

“When I first came to Ethiopia in 2020, I didn’t have a penny to my name. I worked in restaurants until I could open my own. I married an Ethiopian woman, and now, I’m a father of two daughters,” Ibrahim tells Al Jazeera. “This country has become a home to me.”

More than 5.5 million Syrians have fled their homeland since 2011, when war broke out after the government cracked down on a popular uprising. Most Syrians who left sought refuge in neighbouring countries like Lebanon, Turkiye, and Egypt.

Men walking in a street at night
Bole Michael has become a hub for Syrians in Addis Ababa [Samuel Getachew/Al Jazeera]

But some ventured further, to countries like Ethiopia, where fewer than 1,500 Syrians reportedly live.

Al Jazeera approached Ethiopia’s Immigration and Citizenship Services for an official estimate, but the agency declined to respond. According to local media, many Syrians remain unregistered and live in limbo.

Despite these challenges, Bole Michael has become known as a Syrian neighbourhood. More Syrian refugees have found their way there, carving out a familiar rhythm.

Its streets, largely unpaved and strewn with pebbles and dust, have long been home to Somali, Sudanese and Yemeni refugees – some of the more than one million refugees living in Ethiopia.

In recent years, Syrian businesses have started adding their accents and flavours to the bustling area.

Ibrahim’s restaurant, named Syria, is one such business. The 34-year-old arrived in Ethiopia five years ago after a three-year stay in Sudan was cut short by political unrest there. Opening the restaurant, he says, was a way to recreate a slice of home in exile, a place where he could serve the dishes of his homeland to those who would appreciate them.

During Ramadan, that mission takes on even greater meaning: giving.

Salem Berhanu, a regular at Syrian restaurants in Bole Michael, enjoying dinner with Syrians [Samuel Getachew/Al Jazeera]
Salem Berhanu, a regular at Syrian restaurants in Bole Michael, enjoys dinner with Syrian friends [Samuel Getachew/Al Jazeera]

“It would’ve been great if I could host a free iftar for everyone in need, like the ones I grew up seeing in Syria,” says Ibrahim, referring to a centuries-old tradition across the Middle East, where banquets are set up on the streets to offer free food to passersby breaking their Ramadan fast at sunset.

“But that would be difficult here, since poverty is widespread and we’re just a small business,” he adds.

“Instead, during Ramadan, we try not to turn anyone away,” he says, explaining that the restaurant serves free meals to those in need during the holy month. “It’s about community and helping however you can,” he says.

Nearly a quarter of Ethiopia’s 124 million people live below the poverty line.

 A taste of generosity from home

As the adhan echoes from a nearby mosque, signalling the end of the fast, Ibrahim begins welcoming diners.

Among them is Zeynab Mohammed, a Syrian mother of four who arrived in Ethiopia last year after fleeing Khartoum amid Sudan’s continuing civil war. Since settling in Addis Ababa, she has tried to make a living selling homemade perfume on the streets.

Closing her eyes briefly in prayer, she digs into a fragrant chicken shawarma wrap with fries.

Rows of Ethipian men praying, with a smiling little boy in the front row
About 30 percent of Ethiopians are Muslim. Here, thousands gather for the end of Ramadan last year in Addis Ababa’s Meskel Square [Tiksa Negeri/Al Jazeera]

“Life here isn’t easy,” Zeynab says quietly. “But moments like this remind me of home. The generosity, the shared meals – it’s something we carried with us from Syria, and it’s still alive here.”

Sitting next to her is Salem Berhanu, an Ethiopian friend and familiar face in the neighbourhood. Berhanu often joins newcomers at local eateries, occasionally paying for their food when he can. He is well-known among local children who gather around him, chatting in Amharic.

Berhanu says he enjoys seeing Syrians in Ethiopia. “It’s beautiful, especially during Ramadan, because it gives us a chance to meet new people and have meaningful conversations,” he says.

While many Syrians say they’ve felt welcome in Ethiopia, the challenges remain immense.

At a nearby table, another Syrian refugee, Aisha Abdul, recalls her early years in the country. She arrived in Addis Ababa after a perilous bus journey from Sudan, during which she hid from fighters who sometimes attacked convoys.

Three years ago, she and other worshippers at a local mosque in Bole Michael were invited to an iftar hosted by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed – a moment that, for her, felt like a lifeline after years of displacement.

Now, she sells scented charcoal alongside other Syrian refugees, often at traffic stops and crowded gathering spots.

residential building with a restaurant on the ground floor, with cars parked in front and an inflatable dancer streetside
The mustachioed air dancer tells passers-by that Syrian delicacies can be found in this small, unassuming spot [Sawra Tafari/Al Jazeera]

On an average day, she says, she makes about $5, though on good days, she earns more with the help of her children.

“Ethiopia is a very welcoming country, and the people are wonderful. But it can also feel like a dead end,” she says. “There’s no assistance, and finding a job is difficult, so many of us end up doing humiliating work just to survive.”

 Gratitude in a new land

In Bethel, a calmer, more affluent neighbourhood on Addis Ababa’s western outskirts, an inflated air dancer bearing a trademark thick mustache and red fez signals that Syriana, another popular Syrian restaurant, is open.

Inside, trays of crunchy, cream-filled kunafa and syrup-drenched baklava are on display, and as Eid al-Fitr approaches to mark the end of Ramadan, biscuits and cookies traditionally baked for the occasion have been added, keeping long-held Syrian customs alive.

Ethiopian patrons, mostly young people, gather at round tables. Many were drawn there by the TikTok channel of 21-year-old owner Ahmed Abdulkader, who has turned his family’s business into a sought-after venue.

During Ramadan, however, Syriana also welcomes less fortunate visitors.

Ahmed stands holding a tray of kunafeh and smiling
Ahmed Abdelkader made his family’s restaurant famous on social media for the traditional Syrian sweets they make [Courtesy of Alazar Pro Photography]

“We donate all we can, including meals throughout Ramadan for anyone in need,” Abdulkader tells Al Jazeera, explaining that they rely on word of mouth to identify those who might need help. “We try to be good citizens and help however we can,” he adds.

While thousands of Syrian refugees worldwide have returned home with the fall of former President Bashar al-Assad’s regime on December 8, Abdulkader – like Ibrahim – has come to think of Ethiopia as home.

Fluent in Amharic, Abdulkader came to Ethiopia at the age of eight, soon after the war in Syria began. He attended school in Ethiopia, learned the language, and adapted to his adopted country. Thanks to his social media presence, he has become something of a household name, and his family is even considering expanding to other parts of Addis Ababa.

While Syrians have become renowned for their contributions to the culinary scenes in Egypt, Libya, Jordan, and elsewhere, those who settled in Ethiopia had to overcome language barriers and unfamiliar local tastes.

Grateful for his family’s success, Abdulkader says this month offers him a chance to reflect and give back.

“Ramadan allows me to connect with my customers on a personal level and offer food to anyone, regardless of their ability to pay,” he says.

This piece was published in collaboration with Egab.



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Palestinian journalist among two killed in Israeli attack on Gaza hospital | Israel-Palestine conflict News

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Hassan Eslaih has been killed in Nasser Hospital during treatment for injuries sustained in the previous Israeli attack.

Israel’s army has admitted to carrying out “a targeted attack” on the Nasser Medical Complex in the city of Khan Younis in southern Gaza, killing two people, including Palestinian journalist Hassan Eslaih.

Gaza’s Government Media Office on Tuesday confirmed the killing of Eslaih, who was receiving treatment at the hospital’s burn unit for severe injuries sustained during an April 7 Israeli strike on a media tent located next to the hospital.

The AFP news agency footage from Nasser Hospital after Tuesday’s strike showed smoke rising from the facility as rescuers searched through the rubble by the light of torches.

A hospital worker who gave his name as Abu Ghali said the Israeli bombardment “does not differentiate between civilians and military targets”.

“This is a civilian hospital that receives injured people around the clock,” he told AFP.

Eslaih was the director of the Alam24 News Agency and a freelancer who contributed to international news organisations, including photos of the Hamas-led October 7 attack.

Israel has claimed Eslaih was a Hamas fighter who participated in the October 7 attack, an allegation he vehemently denied.

Dozens of journalists killed

At least 178 journalists and media workers have been killed in Palestine, Israel, and Lebanon since the war began, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. Gaza’s Government Media Office put the death toll at 215.

Israel’s military said in a post on Telegram that the strike targeted a Hamas “command and control complex” at the hospital – the largest in southern Gaza – without providing further evidence.

“The compound was used by the terrorists to plan and execute terrorist attacks against Israeli civilians and [military] troops,” the post said, in what appeared to be a reference to Eslaih and Hamas.

Gaza’s Health Ministry on Tuesday condemned “the repeated targeting of hospitals and the pursuit and killing of wounded patients inside treatment rooms”, saying it “confirms Israel’s deliberate intent to inflict greater damage to the healthcare system”.

Hospitals in Gaza have been a frequent target of Israeli attacks since the war began in October 2023, although attacking health facilities, medical personnel and patients is illegal under the 1949 Geneva Convention.

According to officials in Gaza, Israel has bombed and burned at least 36 hospitals across the enclave since the war erupted.

INTERACTIVE - Israel attacks on Gaza hospitals health bomb-1744638922
(Al Jazeera)



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Campaigners take UK to court over export of F-35 components to Israel | Israel-Palestine conflict News

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The United Kingdom’s government faces a High Court challenge over the export of F-35 jet components used by Israel.

Co-claimants Al-Haq, a Palestinian rights organisation, and the Global Legal Action Network (GLAN) are behind the case.

“We’re going to court to try to force the government to stop supplying F-35 components to Israel,” Jennine Walker, a lawyer with GLAN and the legal firm Bindmans, representing Al-Haq, told Al Jazeera.

The four-day case is set to begin on Tuesday, as Israel’s onslaught in Gaza continues with the aid of F-35 jets, having already killed more than 61,700 people.

Here’s what you need to know:

What’s happening?

In September 2024, the UK suspended about 30 out of 350 arms export licences to Israel following a review that found there was “a clear risk certain military exports to Israel might be used in violations of international humanitarian law”, according to the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office.

But it carved out an exception for F-35 jet components, citing the F-35 global programme’s importance to international security. The parts, however, would not be sent directly to Israel, the government said.

Al-Haq and GLAN argue that the government is breaking domestic and international law through a loophole by allowing the parts to be supplied to Israel via the global spares pool and F-35 partner countries, “despite the [International Court of Justice] finding that there is plausible risk of genocide being committed against Palestinians in Gaza”.

The UK reportedly provides about 15 percent of the components in the F-35 fighter jets used by Israel.

The case has taken on new significance after a report last week by the Palestinian Youth Movement, Progressives International and Workers for a Free Palestine suggested F-35 parts are still being sent directly to Israel as of March 2025.

“Despite the September 2024 suspension of direct shipments of F-35 components from the UK to Israel, the data suggest such shipments are ongoing as of March 2025”, the report said, citing Israeli tax authority data.

From Tuesday until Friday, High Court judges will examine whether the government’s decision to suspend some but not all arms licences for export to Israel was legally correct.

Al Jazeera understands the judicial review will focus on the carve-out for F-35 jet parts. The campaigners have said they aim to ensure the UK government “urgently suspends all arms exports to Israel”, while accusing the UK of “complicity” in Israel’s genocide against Palestinians.

What will the campaigners argue?

Co-claimants Al-Haq and GLAN applied for a judicial review into arms export licences to Israel in December 2023, citing violations carried out by Israel against Palestinians in Gaza and the occupied West Bank.

They say F-35 jets have plausibly been involved in war crimes.

“We know Israel is using the F-35 jets to bomb civilians. For example [in] the attack on March 18 which broke the ceasefire, and this wouldn’t be possible without the UK’s help,” Walker said.

“Hundreds of civilians died,” Walker said, referring to one of the deadliest days across Gaza when Israeli assaults killed more than 400 people. “We know every F-35 jet has some British parts.”

What’s the UK’s position?

In a statement sent to Al Jazeera, a spokesperson with the UK’s Foreign Office said, “This government has suspended relevant licences for the [Israeli army] that might be used to commit or facilitate serious violations of international humanitarian law in Gaza.”

The spokesperson added that of the remaining licences for Israel, the “vast majority” are not for the Israeli army but for “civilian purposes or re-export, and therefore are not used in the war in Gaza”.

The spokesperson reiterated the government’s position that the F-35 programme exemption was “due to its strategic role in NATO and wider implications for international peace and security”, adding that “any suggestion that the UK is licensing other weapons for use by Israel in the war in Gaza is misleading”.

Which other groups are involved in the case?

Oxfam, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International are assisting the court by submitting written evidence.

Oxfam’s intervention is based on its documentation of the destruction caused by Israeli fire on water sanitation and health facilities.

Akshaya Kumar, the director of crisis advocacy at Human Rights Watch, raised the idea of criminal responsibility, referencing the Yugoslavia war crimes tribunal.

“If you are a supplier, you are aiding and abetting the continued assault, the continued air strikes. You are part of that criminal responsibility,” she said.

Elizabeth Rghebi, the MENA advocacy director at Amnesty International USA, argued that several states have either been unwilling to observe international legal obligations or have claimed that the structure of the F-35 programme makes it impossible to apply arms controls to the end-user, “which would make the entire programme incompatible with international law”.

What is the scale of damage from Israeli air strikes in Gaza?

Israel’s latest military assault on Gaza began shortly after October 7, 2023, when Hamas, the group that governs the Strip, led an incursion into southern Israel, during which 1,139 people were killed and more than 200 were taken captive.

Israel has failed to achieve its stated aim of crushing Hamas, while its aerial bombardment from jets, including the F-35, has decimated civilian infrastructure, including hospitals, schools, universities, libraries, mosques and churches.

Emeritus professor Paul Rogers from the University of Bradford said, “In terms of tonnage dropped, most modern wars have had very high levels of tonnage used. Gaza is probably one of the worst. If you go back to the Second World War – [there was] the carpet bombing of German cities, the firebombing of Japanese cities, for that matter, and, on a smaller scale, the bombing Britain experienced during the second and third years of the war.”

He added: “So, it’s not exceptional in that sense, but the concentration of so much firepower in a very small area is very unusual. It bears comparison with some of the worst examples of modern warfare and their impact on civilians.”

Palestinians react as they inspect the damage at a school sheltering displaced people, following an Israeli strike, in Jabalia refugee camp, in the northern Gaza Strip, May 12, 2025. REUTERS/Mahmoud Issa
Palestinians inspect the damage at a school sheltering displaced people after an Israeli attack, in the Jabalia refugee camp, in the northern Gaza Strip, on May 12, 2025 [Mahmoud Issa/Reuters]

The World Health Organization (WHO) has documented the woes inflicted on Gaza’s healthcare sector, including the systematic destruction of hospitals, withholding of medical supplies and the detention of doctors.

“Airstrikes and a lack of medical supplies, food, water and fuel have virtually depleted an already under-resourced health system,” the WHO said.

It added that 90 percent of housing units in Gaza have been destroyed or damaged. A similar percentage of school buildings require complete reconstruction or major rehabilitation.



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Drones, gold, and threats: Sudan’s war raises regional tensions | Sudan war News

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On May 4, Sudan’s paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) launched a barrage of suicide drones at Port Sudan, the army’s de facto wartime capital on the Red Sea.

The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) accused foreign actors of supporting the RSF’s attacks and even threatened to sever ties with one of its biggest trading partners.

The RSF surprised many with the strikes. It had used drones before, but never hit targets as far away as Port Sudan, which used to be a haven, until last week.

“The strikes … led to a huge displacement from the city. Many people left Port Sudan,” Aza Aera, a local relief worker, told Al Jazeera. “If the aggression continues … I think I’ll leave like everyone else.”

A drone war

When a civil war erupted between the SAF and RSF in April 2023, the army had aerial supremacy due to its fleet of warplanes and drones.

Yet the RSF is closing the gap with an arsenal of suicide drones, which it used on Port Sudan for six consecutive days, hitting an army base, a civilian airport, several hotels, and a fuel depot, which caused a massive blast.

“Sudan had already entered the phase of drone warfare over the last … few months at least,” said Suliman Baldo, the founder of the Sudan Transparency and Policy Tracker think tank.

The army largely relies on the relatively affordable Turkish-made Bayraktar TB2 drones, reportedly receiving $120m worth of them since late 2023.

Bayraktars can travel long distances with a large payload, and the army says they helped it regain swaths of territory from the RSF in eastern and central Sudan between September 2024 and March 2025, including the capital Khartoum.

Despite losing significant ground, the RSF then stepped up its aggression against the SAF with Chinese-made drones, according to a recent report by Amnesty International.

The human rights group, Sudan’s de facto military government and other monitors all accuse the United Arab Emirates (UAE) of purchasing these drones – and other weapons – and supplying them to the RSF.

The UAE has denied the accusations as “baseless”.

“The UAE strongly rejects the suggestion that it is supplying weapons to any party involved in the ongoing conflict in Sudan,” said Salem Aljaberi, a spokesperson for the UAE’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in a statement on X.

Regardless, the increasing use of drones by both sides marks an escalation and risks exacerbating an already catastrophic situation for civilians, according to experts and human rights monitors.

Bold announcement

On May 6, the army-backed authorities in Port Sudan announced the severing of all ties with the UAE after accusing it of being behind the attacks.

Bayraktar TB2
The army relies on relatively affordable Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drones [Courtesy: Creative Commons]

That announcement was not well thought-out, according to Baldo.

Sudan’s army could lose tens of millions of dollars in gold revenue, as well as access to vital banking operations, he told Al Jazeera.

A UAE-backed company, Emiral Resources, owns a majority of shares in Sudan’s largest gold mine, the Kush mine.

Kush is administered by Sudan’s army, which likely sells tens of millions of dollars worth of gold to the UAE.

According to the Central Bank of Sudan, about 97 percent of gold exports from army-controlled areas went to the UAE in 2023.

Kush exported at least one tonne of gold in 2024, although it is unclear how much higher the number is for production.

Furthermore, UAE banks own a majority share in the Bank of Khartoum, whose digital platform, Bankak, facilitates money transfers for millions of displaced Sudanese and public institutions.

The UAE state also owns El Nilein Bank, which manages and approves international transactions on behalf of Port Sudan, according to a report that Baldo co-authored in March for the Chatham House think tank.

“This was a rushed decision [to cut ties with the UAE] that will have serious consequences … due to the UAE’s control over [Sudan’s] national economy,” Baldo told Al Jazeera.

Major escalation?

Sudan’s army has not clarified how and when it will sever ties with the UAE.

On May 6, SAF chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan vowed in a video to “defeat the militia (RSF) and those who help them”.

Al Jazeera sent written questions to army spokesperson Nabil Abdullah, asking if Port Sudan will implement the announced suspension.

No reply was received by time of publication.

For its part, the UAE’s Foreign Ministry told Al Jazeera in an email that it will not retaliate against Port Sudan.

“The statement issued by the so-called ‘Security and Defence Council’ will not affect the deep-rooted and enduring ties between the UAE and the Republic of the Sudan, and their peoples,” the emailed statement said.

Meanwhile, experts and observers believe the war in Sudan is trending towards a major escalation.

The army’s regional backers could respond to the RSF’s increased use of drones by doubling down on their support for the army, warned Alan Boswell, a Sudan expert for the International Crisis Group.

“The obvious risk [from the attacks on Port Sudan] is that it brings other [regional powers] into deeper involvement on the army’s side,” he told Al Jazeera.

“We could see an escalating war with greater and greater firepower, and nothing would be left of Sudan’s infrastructure by the end of it.”

Displaced Sudanese family near the town of Tawila in North Darfur
Thousands of people have been pushed to informal campgrounds, like this one near Tawila in North Darfur, as the fighting rages on between the army and RSF. On February 11, 2025 [Unknown/AFP]



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