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Marine Le Pen seems politically dead, but can the far right win in France without her?

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Paris
CNN
 — 

“It’s my political death they want,” far-right leader Marine Le Pen claimed in November – a prediction that proved prescient, though few took it seriously at the time.

The three-time French presidential candidate saw her path to power cut short on Monday when a court ruling banned her from running for public office for five years, triggering a political earthquake in France and knocking the frontrunner out of the 2027 presidential race.

But far from decapitating the far right, this ruling – that followed a guilty verdict on embezzlement charges – could actually strengthen it by fueling populist grievances and accelerating the rebranding of Le Pen’s National Rally (RN) party. It could finally free RN from the Le Pen name that has both defined its identity and plagued it for decades.

“One should celebrate that a legal system independently delivered a verdict, but the impact of social media is so powerful that there is a fundamental lack of trust in leaders. Do people walk away feeling good about this ruling, or do they walk away with an overwhelming feeling of yuckiness?” CNN European affairs commentator Dominic Thomas said.

For RN supporters, the verdict plays into a belief that the system is rigged against them. Some see this as an assault on democracy with Le Pen framing the ruling as an attack on “the will of the people.” The justice system, she argues, is being weaponized – much like US President Donald Trump’s claims of a “witch hunt.”

This sentiment was echoed by Elon Musk who reacted to the sentence on X by saying: “When the radical left can’t win via democratic vote, they abuse the legal system to jail their opponents.”

Allies of Le Pen were quick to blast the guilty verdict using words such as “judicial overreach” and “shameful.” Even some of her rivals voiced concern over the implications of the sentence. Prime Minister Francois Bayrou said he was “troubled” while current French Justice Minister Gerald Darmanin posted on X in November that it would be “profoundly shocking” if she were to be barred from elections.

While Le Pen’s supporters publicly decry the ruling, the ban will fast-track a leadership transition already underway within the party. Her handpicked successor, Jordan Bardella, now stands to inherit the job of spearheading the movement she spent years building.

Dominique Moisi, a political analyst, suggested that some within RN might secretly welcome this development.

“In public they will shout. They will denounce. They will say, ‘What an awful thing.’ But deep down many, many might be pleased, thinking, ‘This is a younger candidate. He’s more appealing to a larger crowd. And he doesn’t wear the name Le Pen.’”

Le Pen, 56, handpicked Bardella to head the party in 2022 – ending a 50-year-rule by the Le Pen dynasty – and bring a fresh boost to the French populist right.

Hailed as the answer to attempts to detoxify the party and attract a younger crowd, the charismatic Bardella has helped distance the party from its founder and Marine’s father, Jean-Marie Le Pen. And at just 29 years old, he already polls as well as his mentor.

On the other hand, Le Pen’s exit could embolden other politicians to enter the race, such as her niece Marion Marechal or conservative heavyweights like current interior minister Bruno Retailleau, who boasts far more experience than the relatively green Bardella.

The question remains whether Bardella can maintain the party’s momentum without the Le Pen brand. According to pollster Antoine Bristielle, RN voters are among the most loyal. A look at voter patterns shows they were the most consistent in turnout for their party in the 2022 French presidential election, compared to other parties.

“There’s loyalty to the Le Pen name and to the Le Pen brand. But if it’s not her, does Bardella have what it takes to win a president election?” Bristielle said.

Le Pen still has the option of appealing to the Conseil Constitutionnel, which must weigh both the law and the conditional right to “freedom of elections.” She has also announced that she will appeal her conviction.

Until then the RN has the power to cause significant disruption. As the largest party in France’s parliament, it could potentially topple the government by supporting a vote of no-confidence.

Whether Le Pen’s “political death” marks the end of an era or simply a new chapter for France’s far right remains to be seen. But 2025 has delivered a double blow for the Le Pen dynasty – first with Jean Marie Le Pen’s passing in January and now Marine’s forced departure from the political stage.



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Trump’s foreign policy frustrations are piling up

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CNN
 — 

Every president thinks they can change the world – and Donald Trump has an even greater sense of personal omnipotence than his recent predecessors.

But it’s not working out too well for the 47th president. Trump might intimidate tech titans to toe the line and use government power to try to bend institutions like Harvard University and judges, but some world leaders are harder to bully.

He keeps being ignored and humiliated by Russian President Vladimir Putin who is defying the US effort to end the war in Ukraine. Russian media is now portraying Trump as the tough talker who always blinks and never imposes consequences.

The president also thought that he could shape China to his will by facing down leader Xi Jinping in a trade war. But he misunderstood Chinese politics. The one thing an authoritarian in Beijing can never do is bow down to a US president. US officials say now they’re frustrated that China hasn’t followed through on commitments meant to deescalate the trade conflict.

As with China, Trump backed down in his tariff war with the European Union. Then Financial Times commentator Robert Armstrong enraged the president by coining the term TACO trade — “Trump Always Chickens Out.”

Everyone thought that Trump would be on the same page as Benjamin Netanyahu. After all, in his first term he offered the Israeli prime minister pretty much everything he wanted. But now that he’s trying to broker peace in the Middle East, Trump is finding that prolonging the Gaza conflict is existential for Netanyahu’s political career, much like Ukraine for Putin. And Trump’s ambition for an Iranian nuclear deal is frustrating Israeli plans to use a moment of strategic weakness for the Islamic Republic to try to take out its reactors militarily.

Powerful leaders are pursuing their own versions of the national interest that exist in a parallel reality and on different historical and actual timelines to shorter, more transactional, aspirations of American presidents. Most aren’t susceptible to personal appeals with no payback. And after Trump’s attempts to humiliate Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa in the Oval Office, the lure of the White House is waning.

Trump spent months on the campaign trail last year boasting that his “very good relationship” with Putin or Xi would magically solve deep geopolitical and economic problems between global powers that might be unsolvable.

He’s far from the first US leader to suffer from such delusions. President George W. Bush famously looked into the Kremlin tyrant’s eyes and “got a sense of his soul.” President Barack Obama disdained Russia as a decaying regional power and once dismissed Putin as the “bored kid in the back of the classroom.” That didn’t work out so well when the bored kid annexed Crimea.

More broadly, the 21st century presidents have all acted as though they’re men of destiny. Bush came to office determined not to act as the global policeman. But the September 11 attacks in 2001 made him exactly that. He started wars in Afghanistan and Iraq — which the US won, then lost the peace. And his failed second term goal to democratize the Arab world never went anywhere.

Obama tried to make amends for the global war on terror and travelled to Egypt to tell Muslims it was time for “a new beginning.” His early presidency pulsated with a sense that his charisma and unique background would in itself be a global elixir.

Joe Biden traveled the globe telling everyone that “America is back” after ejecting Trump from the White House. But four years later, partly due to his own disastrous decision to run for a second term, America — or at least the internationalist post-World War II version – was gone again. And Trump was back.

Trump’s “America First” populism relies on the premise that the US has been ripped off for decades, never mind that its alliances and shaping of global capitalism made it the most powerful nation in the planet’s history. Now playing at being a strongman who everyone must obey, he is busily squandering this legacy and shattering US soft power — ie. the power to persuade — with his belligerence.

The first four months of the Trump presidency, with its tariff threats, warnings of US territorial expansion in Canada and Greenland and evisceration of global humanitarian aid programs show that the rest of the world gets a say in what happens too. So far, leaders in China, Russia, Israel, Europe and Canada appear to have calculated that Trump is not as powerful as he thinks he is, that there’s no price for defying him or that their own internal politics make resistance mandatory.



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New Orleans holds burial of repatriated African Americans whose skulls were used in racist research

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New Orleans
AP
 — 

New Orleans celebrated the return and burial of the remains of 19 African American people whose skulls had been sent to Germany for racist research practices in the 19th century.

On Saturday, a multifaith memorial service including a jazz funeral, one of the city’s most distinct traditions, paid tribute to the humanity of those coming home to their final resting place at the Hurricane Katrina Memorial.

“We ironically know these 19 because of the horrific thing that happened to them after their death, the desecration of their bodies,” said Monique Guillory, president of Dillard University, a historically Black private liberal arts college, which spearheaded the receipt of the remains on behalf of the city.

“This is actually an opportunity for us to recognize and commemorate the humanity of all of these individuals who would have been denied, you know, such a respectful send-off and final burial.”

The 19 people are all believed to have died from natural causes between 1871 and 1872 at Charity Hospital, which served people of all races and classes in New Orleans during the height of White supremacist oppression in the 1800s. The hospital shuttered following Hurricane Katrina in 2005.

The remains sat in 19 wooden boxes in the university’s chapel during a service Saturday that also included music from the Kumbuka African Drum and Dance Collective.

A New Orleans physician provided the skulls of the 19 people to a German researcher engaged in phrenological studies — the debunked belief that a person’s skull could determine innate racial characteristics.

“All kinds of experiments were done on Black bodies living and dead,” said Dr. Eva Baham, a historian who led Dillard University’s efforts to repatriate the individuals’ remains. “People who had no agency over themselves.”

In 2023, the University of Leipzig in Germany reached out to the City of New Orleans to find a way to return the remains, Guillory said. The University of Leipzig did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

“It is a demonstration of our own morality here in New Orleans and in Leipzig with the professors there who wanted to do something to restore the dignity of these people,” Baham said.

Dillard University researchers say more digging remains to be done, including to try and track down possible descendants. They believe it is likely that some of the people had been recently freed from slavery.

“These were really poor, indigent people in the end of the 19th century, but … they had names, they had addresses, they walked the streets of the city that we love,” Guillory said. “We all deserve a recognition of our humanity and the value of our lives.”



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Live updates: PSG vs. Inter Milan in Champions League final

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The Champions League trophy is seen in Munich on Friday.

There aren’t many trophies like it.

As creator of the redesigned Champions League trophy, Jörg Stadelmann told UEFA.com, “It may not be an artistic masterpiece, but everybody in football is keen to get their hands on it.”

To be fair to Stadelmann, he was on a tight deadline as he had to finish before he left for his wedding and honeymoon.

“It had to be finished before March 28 (of that year),” Stadelmann told UEFA. “I did the finer work, then it was finished off by the engraver, Fred Bänninger. On time, I am glad to say.”

The new trophy commissioned by UEFA General Secretary Hans Bangerter was designed by the Swiss jeweler in 1967 and stands at 29 inches (73.5cm) tall and weighs 16.5 pounds (7.5kg).

Stadelmann told UEFA: “My father Hans and I went along to Herr Bangerter’s office and covered the whole floor with drawings. He made comments like, ‘The Bulgarians would like the bottom of that. The Spaniards would like this but the Italians would prefer that and the Germans would go for this.’ We put the design together like a jigsaw puzzle.”

All-in-all, the trophy officially named the Coupe des Clubs Champions Européens (or the European Champion Clubs’ Cup in English) took 340 hours to make.

The original European Cup, awarded to winners from the inaugural final in 1956 until the redesign in 1967, looked distinctly different from the Stadelmann-designed trophy we’ll see handed out in Munich on Saturday.

Real Madrid players celebrate with the original European Cup after winning in 1960.

The original trophy was smaller with much less prominent handles (if one needed to compare the old handles to ears, they could be described as more bear-like than human-like) while the handles of the redesign are extremely oversized and curved, earning the trophy the nickname “Ol’ Big Ears.”

In French, it’s “La Coupe aux Grandes Oreilles” or “the cup with big ears.” In Spanish, it’s known as “La Orejona” or “the big ear,” according to the New York Times.

There’s no denying the handles have become the focal point of the trophy.

From 1969 until 2009, clubs kept the original trophy they won after five total or three consecutive Champions League wins. Today, if a club wins a fifth total or third consecutive, they would get a replica of the trophy and the “real” trophy remains with UEFA.

The first trophy went home with Real Madrid, which won the inaugural tournament, and six total by the time the redesign came about (Los Blancos are the current record holders with 15 wins with second-placed AC Milan way back on seven).

Five clubs currently house their “real” winning trophy after earning a fifth or third consecutive win: Madrid, Ajax, Bayern Munich, AC Milan and, most recently, Liverpool.



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