Conflict Zones
Mapping the human toll of the conflict in DR Congo | Interactive News

EXPLAINER
Ongoing violence and instability, including fighting by M23 rebels, has forced millions to flee their homes in Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is facing one of the world’s largest displacement and humanitarian crises.
Ongoing violence and instability have forced millions to flee their homes, with at least 7,000 people killed in recent months and many more injured.
The violence this year has largely been driven by armed groups, particularly M23 rebels, who have intensified their offensive in eastern DRC.
In January, M23 seized control of Goma, the capital of mineral-rich North Kivu province, before capturing Bukavu, the capital of neighbouring South Kivu, in February. They have since continued to advance west.
Who are the M23?
The M23 rebel group was formed in 2012 by former Congolese soldiers, mainly from the Tutsi ethnic group.
The group takes its name from the March 23 Movement, referring to the date peace accords were signed in 2009 between the DRC’s government and the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP) that aimed to integrate its fighters into the Congolese army.
However, M23 later accused the government of failing to fully implement the agreement, leading them to launch their rebellion.
M23 briefly seized control of Goma in November 2012 but was defeated and forced into exile in 2013. After nearly a decade of dormancy, the group resurfaced in late 2021 and has since intensified its military campaign in eastern DRC.
According to United Nations experts, Rwanda backs M23 with troops and ammunition. Kigali, however, denies the accusations.
M23 rebels’ rapid advance
The latest round of conflict escalated in December 2024 after peace talks in Angola between the presidents of DRC and Rwanda were cancelled over disagreements about M23. Rwanda had insisted on direct dialogue between DRC and M23, which the Congolese government at the time refused.
January 27, 2025 – M23 captures Goma: In the worst escalation in a decade or more, M23 fighters took control of eastern DRC’s largest city, Goma – a crucial humanitarian hub near the Rwandan border, home to more than 2 million people.
February 16, 2025 – M23 captures Bukavu: The rebels advanced into Bukavu’s city centre with little resistance, as DRC accused Rwanda of ignoring ceasefire calls.
March 19, 2025 – M23 captures Walikale: The rebels seized the mining hub Walikale in North Kivu, the farthest west they have ever reached, dismissing ceasefire calls from DRC and Rwanda. They later said they would withdraw from the town in a peace gesture.
More than seven million people displaced
The DRC is home to one of the largest populations of displaced people around the world.
More than 7 million people are displaced, including 3.8 million in North and South Kivu provinces in the east of the country.
Nearly 780,000 people were forced to flee their homes between November 2024 and January 2025 alone.
According to the UN Refugee Agency, since January 1, more than 100,000 refugees have crossed into neighbouring countries, with 69,000 seeking refuge in Burundi, 29,000 in Uganda, and about 1,000 in Rwanda and Tanzania.
A quarter of the country faces food shortage
The security situation in Goma, a key humanitarian hub, remains highly volatile, with movement restrictions hindering aid delivery to those in urgent need.
The DRC has a population of some 112 million. Before the latest escalation, 21 million people across the country already needed humanitarian aid – the highest figure globally, according to the UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).
By the end of 2024, armed conflicts, rising food prices and epidemics had pushed 25.6 million people – nearly a quarter of the population – into acute food insecurity (IPC Phase 3 or worse).

According to OCHA, 2.7 million people in North Kivu, South Kivu, and Ituri were already facing severe food shortage before the latest escalation.
Looting of humanitarian infrastructure and warehouses has further crippled relief efforts, with large quantities of food, medicine, and medical supplies lost in targeted attacks on humanitarian organisations.
Conflict Zones
India general admits jet losses in clash with Pakistan: Here’s what he said | India-Pakistan Tensions News

General Anil Chauhan, India’s chief of defence staff, has admitted that an unspecified number of fighter jets were shot down during its conflict with Pakistan last month.
The acknowledgement of aerial losses by the country’s highest ranking general comes weeks after the two South Asian neighbours were engaged in their heaviest fighting in decades, which involved fighter jets and cruise missiles.
Indian officials had previously refused to confirm or deny Pakistani claims of downing Indian jets. The conflict was triggered after gunmen killed 26 tourists in India-administered Kashmir’s Pahalgam town on April 22.
India’s first official admission of a loss of fighter jets came during Chauhan’s interviews on the sidelines of the Shangri-La Dialogue security forum in Singapore.
What was the conflict between India and Pakistan?
India carried out strikes on what it called “terror infrastructure” in Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir on May 7 in retaliation for the Pahalgam attack. India blamed armed groups backed by Pakistan for the April 22 attack.
An armed group called The Resistance Front (TRF) claimed responsibility for the Pahalgam killings. India accused the TRF of being an offshoot of the Pakistan-based armed group Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). Pakistan denied involvement, condemning the Pahalgam attack and calling for a neutral investigation.
India claimed to have targeted at least six cities in Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir on the first day of the conflict. Pakistan initially asserted that it had downed six Indian fighter jets in retaliation. But a senior Pakistan official told Al Jazeera five Indian aircraft were lost in the aerial battle.
India did not confirm or deny the Pakistani claims. “Losses are a part of combat,” Air Marshal AK Bharti, India’s director general of air operations, said at a news conference on May 11.
The Indian embassy in China called reports of the downing of jets “disinformation”.
After that, tit-for-tat cross-border attacks across the Line of Control (LoC), the de facto border between India- and Pakistan-administered Kashmir, rattled the region, renewing fears of a nuclear war.
On May 10, United States President Donald Trump announced that the two countries had reached a ceasefire, potentially averting a “nuclear disaster”. India and Pakistan have given competing claims on casualties in the fighting, but more than 70 people were killed on both sides.
Both India and Pakistan claim Kashmir in full but administer only parts of the Muslim-majority Himalayan territory.
Here is what Chauhan said in recent interviews with the Reuters news agency and Bloomberg TV:
On the downing of Indian fighter jets
Chauhan admitted that India suffered air losses on the first day of fighting without giving details.
In an interview with Reuters, he said: “What was important is why did these losses occur and what we’ll do after that.”
The Indian general said that after the losses, the Indian army “rectified tactics” and then went back on May 7, 8 and 10 “in large numbers to hit airbases deep inside Pakistan, penetrated all their air defences with impunity, carried out precision strikes”. He added that the Indian air force “flew all types of aircraft with all types of ordnances” on May 10.
Islamabad acknowledged that its airbases suffered some minimal losses but denied that it lost any planes.
When a Bloomberg reporter asked Chauhan about Pakistan’s claims that six Indian jets were downed, Chauhan responded that this information was incorrect.
He went on to say: “What is important is … not the jets being downed but why they were downed.” Some media outlets inferred that his statement appeared to imply that a number of jets were lost in the aerial battle.
The general did not provide details about the number of jets downed or specifics about what these rectified tactics were.
The Pakistani military said India did not fly its fighter jets in the conflict again after suffering the air losses.
On the risks of nuclear war
Media reports suggested that some attacks were near Pakistan’s nuclear sites but the nuclear infrastructure itself was not a target.
“Most of the strikes were delivered with pinpoint accuracy, some even to a metre [3.3ft] to whatever was our selected mean point of impact,” Chauhan said in the interview with Reuters.
Chauhan had previously provided assurances that India was not considering using nuclear weapons during the conflict. The chairman of Pakistan’s joint chiefs of staff, General Sahir Shamshad Mirza, has done the same for his country.
“I think there’s a lot of space before that nuclear threshold is crossed, a lot of signalling before that. I think nothing like that happened. There’s a lot of space for conventional operations which has been created, and this will be the new norm,” Chauhan said.
The Indian general added that on both sides, the most “rational people are in uniform” during conflict because they understand the consequences of “this kind of conflict”.
“I found both sides displaying a lot of rationality in their thoughts as well as actions. So why should we assume that in the nuclear domain there will be irrationality on someone else’s part?”
On Chinese role
The Indian chief of defence staff said that while Pakistan enjoys a close alliance with China, there was no sign that Beijing helped Islamabad during the conflict.
China sits on India’s northern and eastern borders and controls a barely inhabited northeastern zone in Kashmir called Aksai Chin.
“We didn’t find any unusual activity in the operational or tactical depth of our northern borders, and things were generally all right,” Chauhan said.
When Chauhan was asked whether China provided Pakistan with intelligence information such as satellite imagery, the Indian general responded by saying that such information is commercially available and Pakistan could have obtained it from China or other sources.
However, Chauhan said “almost 80 percent of the equipment” in Pakistan has been procured from China in the past few years.
From 2020 to 2025, China supplied 81 percent of Pakistan’s arms imports, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.
Chinese jets got a boost after media reports said Pakistan used Chinese-manufactured J-10C fighter jets in the air battle. The Chinese government did not officially confirm that the J-10C jets were used to down Indian jets, but China Central Television, a state broadcaster, posted on social media on May 17 that the jets achieved actual combat results for the first time.
What’s next
Chauhan said that while hostilities have ceased, India would “respond precisely and decisively should there be any further terror attacks emanating from Pakistan”. He added that this will be a new normal for India.
“So that has its own dynamics as far [as] the armed forces are concerned. It will require us to be prepared 24/7.”
The president of the main opposition Indian National Congress party said Chauhan’s admission warrants a review of India’s defence preparedness.
“There are some very important questions which need to be asked. These can only be asked if a Special Session of the Parliament is immediately convened,” Mallikarjun Kharge wrote in an X post on Saturday.
Referring to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, he added: “The Modi Govt has misled the nation. The fog of war is now clearing.”
“We salute [the Indian military’s] resolute courage and bravery,” Kharge said. “However, a comprehensive strategic review is the need of the hour.”
The Congress party has called the Pahalgam attack a “security and intelligence failure” and sought accountability, given that India-administered Kashmir is directly governed from New Delhi.
Conflict Zones
Ballet helps fight war fatigue in Ukraine’s front-line Kharkiv city | Russia-Ukraine war

In the Ukrainian city of Kharkiv, escaping the war with Russia is nearly impossible.
On certain days, when the wind shifts, residents of this historic city can hear the distant rumble of artillery fire from the front line, some 30km (18.5 miles) away.
Most nights, Russian kamikaze drones packed with explosives buzz overhead as parents put their children to bed.
Three years since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the unrelenting war exerts a heavy psychological burden on many in Kharkiv. Yet, there is a place in the city where, for a few fleeting hours, the war seems to vanish.
Beneath the Kharkiv National Academic Opera and Ballet Theatre, in a dim, brick-walled basement, a dance company has established a refuge from drones and bombs – a space where audiences can lose themselves in performances of classic ballets.
In April, this underground venue hosted performances of Chopiniana, an early 20th-century ballet set to the music of Frederic Chopin. Despite the improvised setting, the ballet was staged with full classical grandeur, complete with corps de ballet and orchestra.

It marked a significant milestone for Kharkiv’s cultural life: the first complete classical ballet performance in the city since February 2022, when Russian troops launched their invasion of Ukraine.
“In spite of everything – the fact that bombs are flying, drones, and everything else – we can give a gift of something wonderful to people,” said Antonina Radiievska, artistic director of Opera East, the ballet company behind the production.
“They can come and, even if it’s just for an hour or two, completely immerse themselves in a different world.”
Despite Ukraine’s rich tradition in classical ballet, the art form now seems far removed from the everyday existence of Ukrainians living through war. Daily routines revolve around monitoring apps for drone alerts, sleeping on metro station floors to escape air raids, or seeking news of loved ones on the front line. Pirouettes, pas de deux and chiffon tutus feel worlds away.
Nevertheless, the journey of Kharkiv’s ballet through wartime reflects the ways in which Ukrainian society has adapted and evolved.
On February 23, 2022, the National Academic Opera and Ballet Theatre staged a performance of the ballet Giselle. The next day, Russia launched its full-scale invasion. As Moscow’s forces advanced towards Kharkiv and threatened to seize the city, the theatre closed its doors and much of the ballet troupe departed.
Some regrouped in Slovakia and Lithuania, mounting ballet productions abroad with assistance from European sponsors.

By 2023, although the conflict ground on, the situation in Kharkiv, in Ukraine’s northeast, had stabilised after Russian ground troops withdrew. A new realisation took hold – this was a long-term reality. Locals began referring to the city, and themselves, with the Ukrainian word “nezlamniy”, meaning invincible.
That year, work began on transforming the theatre’s basement into a performance venue. By October 2023, it was being used for rehearsals. The following spring, authorities permitted the theatre to admit audiences, and small-scale ballet performances, including children’s concerts, resumed.
The revival of Chopiniana marked the next chapter in Kharkiv’s wartime cultural journey.
Staging a classical opera again signals that Ukraine endures, says Igor Tuluzov, director-general of Opera East. “We are demonstrating to the world that we really are a self-sufficient state, independent, in all its aspects, including cultural independence,” he said.
The auditorium now seats 400 people on stackable chairs, compared with the 1,750 seats in the main theatre above, where the plush mustard seats remain empty.
The stage is a quarter the size of the main one. Grey-painted bricks, concrete floors, and exposed pipes and wiring form a stark contrast to the varnished hardwood and marble of the theatre above. The basement’s acoustics, performers say, fall short of the cavernous main auditorium.
For artistic director Radiievska, however, the most important thing is that, after a long pause, she and her troupe can once again perform for a live audience.
“It means, you know, life,” she said. “An artist cannot exist without the stage, without creativity, without dance or song. It’s like a rebirth.”
Conflict Zones
Sudan Paramilitary Claims Key Gains in Kordofan; Fighting Intensifies Near Khartoum

Khartoum, May 30, 2025 — Rapid Support Forces (RSF) deputy leader Abdel Rahim Daglo announced on Friday that RSF fighters would press their eastward advance toward Khartoum, claiming “great victories” in several strategic towns across Kordofan. Addressing troops at an undisclosed location, Daglo said that all armed groups within the Tasis coalition had joined his paramilitary ranks and were now operating in concert with the RSF.
According to Daglo, RSF units seized control of Al-Dubaibat and Al-Hammadi in South Kordofan state, as well as Al-Khawi in neighboring West Kordofan. “Our fighters have secured these areas after intense clashes with Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) units and allied militias,” Daglo declared, adding that the momentum would not wane until the capital was within reach.
Sudan’s army, however, downplayed recent RSF advances as part of a “reorganization” campaign. A senior ally of the SAF—also the governor of Darfur—insisted that the military was regrouping and fortified its positions to counter what he described as “a temporary setback.” He maintained that the SAF’s strategic reserves remained intact and that front-line forces were being repositioned to mount a sustained defense of Khartoum.
As fighting has spread northward, the humanitarian situation in Khartoum has deteriorated sharply. With basic services all but collapsed, a deadly cholera outbreak has emerged in the densely populated capital. Aid agencies warn that the impending rainy season could exacerbate sanitation challenges, fueling further disease transmission. The United Nations has labeled the crisis “the world’s worst humanitarian emergency,” citing over 25,000 confirmed deaths and more than 3 million internally displaced persons since April.
International pressure has also mounted on Sudan’s transitional government. In late May, Washington imposed sanctions on Sudanese military leaders for the “alleged use of chemical weapons” against civilians. In response, the government announced a national investigation into the claims—a move it said was aimed at preserving Sudan’s international standing amid intensifying conflict.
With both sides entrenching their positions around Khartoum, observers warn that a protracted stalemate could unleash further civilian suffering. The RSF’s pledge to advance eastward has raised concerns that front-line engagements may spill into densely populated suburbs, where millions have already endured weeks of intermittent shelling and aerial bombardments. For now, the fate of Khartoum—and the broader prospects for peace—remain uncertain as paramilitary and army forces brace for a decisive showdown.
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