Conflict Zones
What are Putin’s conditions for a ceasefire in Ukraine? | Conflict News

Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Thursday that Moscow was in favour of the principle of a ceasefire in the war against Ukraine, as proposed by the Donald Trump administration in the United States, but raised questions he said the Kremlin needed answers to before it could commit to a truce.
He said Russia needed to discuss these questions and the terms of a peace proposal with the US.
His comments, the first on the proposed ceasefire, drew criticism from Ukraine and a muted response from Trump, who has oscillated between expressing confidence in Putin’s commitment to a peace deal and threatening Russia with new sanctions if it does not agree to a ceasefire.
Here is what Putin said, the conditions he laid out for Moscow to back a ceasefire, and how the US and Ukraine have reacted to his recent statement:
What is the US-Ukraine ceasefire deal?
On Tuesday, teams representing Washington and Kyiv met in Saudi Arabia’s Jeddah to negotiate terms for peace in Ukraine.
After this meeting, the two countries released a joint statement, proposing an “immediate, interim” 30-day ceasefire on the war front.
The statement placed emphasis on “the exchange of prisoners of war, the release of civilian detainees, and the return of forcibly transferred Ukrainian children” during the ceasefire period.
The document did not mention sanctions on Russia or security guarantees for Ukraine, but it did mention that Ukraine’s European allies would be “involved in the peace process”.
The document also did not specify what would happen with the Ukrainian soldiers in Russia’s Kursk.
What did Putin say about the ceasefire?
Nothing, for almost two days.
Then, on Thursday, at a news conference alongside Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko, Putin responded to the ceasefire proposal.
He said the idea of a ceasefire was “correct” and Russia supported it, in principle. “We agree with the proposals to cease hostilities,” he told reporters in Moscow.
But, he added, “there are issues that we need to discuss, and I think that we need to talk about it with our American colleagues and partners, and, perhaps, have a call with President Trump and discuss it with him.”
What ‘issues’ does Putin want resolved before a ceasefire?
The Russian president outlined three questions and suggested that resolving them in a manner satisfactory to Moscow would be preconditions for the Kremlin to accept a ceasefire.
How will the Kursk incursion play out?
The first question Putin posed pertains to Ukrainian troops in the Russian region of Kursk.
In August last year, the Ukrainian army launched a surprise incursion into Kursk, seizing territory.
While the Russian army has now reclaimed 1,100 square km (425 square miles) of Kursk – almost the whole area that Ukrainian forces had grabbed – Kyiv’s troops are still present.
“Will all those who are there come out without a fight? Or will the Ukrainian leadership order them to lay down arms and surrender?” Putin questioned.
Will Ukraine mobilise troops and receive new weapons during the ceasefire?
Putin also suggested that a 30-day ceasefire could be used by Ukraine to mobilise new forces at a time when its troops are facing setbacks not just in Kursk but also in eastern Ukraine, where Russia has made slow, grinding gains in recent months.
During the news conference, Putin said “Russian troops are advancing in almost all areas of the front… So how will these 30 days be used? For forced mobilisation to continue in Ukraine, for weapons to be delivered there, for the newly-mobilised units to be trained? … How can we and how will we be guaranteed that nothing like that will happen? How will control be organised?”
Yuri Ushakov, Putin’s foreign policy adviser, also said on Thursday that the 30-day pause in fighting would only help Ukrainian troops regroup, deeming the ceasefire a “temporary respite” for the Ukrainian army.
In recent months, Ukraine has suffered manpower shortages. In January, Ukrainian troops retreated from Kurakhove, a town in Ukraine’s Donetsk region, when Russian troops claimed control.
Who will verify the ceasefire?
Putin also questioned how the ceasefire would be monitored and who would ensure that both parties are following the agreement.
“We proceed from the fact that this cessation should be such that it would lead to long-term peace and eliminate the original causes of this crisis,” he said.
“Who will give orders to stop hostilities? … Who will determine where and who has violated a possible ceasefire agreement for 2,000 kilometres (1,243 miles)?”
How has the US reacted?
Putin’s comments came shortly after US President Donald Trump’s special envoy Steve Witkoff arrived in Russia to meet with Putin and other Russian officials. Although Witkoff is officially Trump’s Middle East envoy, he has also been involved in Russia relations.
Last month, he became the first high-level US official to travel to Russia since its 2022 invasion of Ukraine. During this visit, he secured the release of Marc Fogel, an imprisoned American, in exchange for the US releasing imprisoned Russian Alexander Vinnik. Witkoff was also part of the US team during negotiations with Russian officials in Saudi Arabia.
On Thursday, at the beginning of a meeting with NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte, Trump said that Putin had released “a very promising statement, but it wasn’t complete”.
“Now we’re going to see whether or not Russia’s there. And if they’re not, it’ll be a very disappointing moment for the world.”
Also on Thursday, US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent told CNBC that Trump is “willing to apply maximum pressure on both sides”, including sanctions on Russia.
Since the beginning of the war in February 2022, the US and its allies have imposed at least 21,692 sanctions on Russia, targeting individuals, media organisations, the military sector, energy sector, aviation, shipbuilding and telecommunications, among other sectors.
Last week, the US temporarily suspended military aid and intelligence sharing to Ukraine, after a White House meeting between Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy spiralled into acrimony.
The aid and intelligence sharing were restored after the US and Ukraine jointly agreed on the 30-day ceasefire agreement in Jeddah.
How has Ukraine reacted?
In his nightly address posted on X on Thursday, Zelenskyy said that Putin is “preparing to reject” the ceasefire proposal.
“Putin is afraid to tell President Trump directly that he wants to continue this war and keep killing Ukrainians,” said Zelenskyy.
Marina Miron, a post-doctoral researcher at the defence studies department of King’s College London, said it would make sense for Russia to stall on a decision about the ceasefire.
“Until the ceasefire is implemented and everybody is on the same page, time will pass, which will probably give the Russians the necessary time to at least get Kursk back so that it removes any potential negotiating bonuses for Ukraine,” Miron told Al Jazeera on Wednesday.
In his address, Zelenskyy added: “Now is the time to increase pressure on him [Putin]. Sanctions must be applied – ones that will work.” The Ukrainian leader said his country is willing to continue working with its US and European partners to further the peace process.
Could the US and Ukraine accept Russia’s peace terms?
It’s unclear. But some experts believe that Trump’s track record suggests that the US could try to accommodate Putin’s concerns. If that happens, Ukraine might have no choice but to accept this.
“If past performance is any guide, [Russia’s] demands will be backed by the US,” Keir Giles, a senior consulting fellow at the London-based Chatham House think tank, told Al Jazeera on Wednesday.
“I think that the Trump administration has shown to Ukraine very clearly that Ukraine is not going to dictate the rules after the debacle in the Oval Office,” Miron added.
Conflict Zones
India general admits jet losses in clash with Pakistan: Here’s what he said | India-Pakistan Tensions News

General Anil Chauhan, India’s chief of defence staff, has admitted that an unspecified number of fighter jets were shot down during its conflict with Pakistan last month.
The acknowledgement of aerial losses by the country’s highest ranking general comes weeks after the two South Asian neighbours were engaged in their heaviest fighting in decades, which involved fighter jets and cruise missiles.
Indian officials had previously refused to confirm or deny Pakistani claims of downing Indian jets. The conflict was triggered after gunmen killed 26 tourists in India-administered Kashmir’s Pahalgam town on April 22.
India’s first official admission of a loss of fighter jets came during Chauhan’s interviews on the sidelines of the Shangri-La Dialogue security forum in Singapore.
What was the conflict between India and Pakistan?
India carried out strikes on what it called “terror infrastructure” in Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir on May 7 in retaliation for the Pahalgam attack. India blamed armed groups backed by Pakistan for the April 22 attack.
An armed group called The Resistance Front (TRF) claimed responsibility for the Pahalgam killings. India accused the TRF of being an offshoot of the Pakistan-based armed group Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). Pakistan denied involvement, condemning the Pahalgam attack and calling for a neutral investigation.
India claimed to have targeted at least six cities in Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir on the first day of the conflict. Pakistan initially asserted that it had downed six Indian fighter jets in retaliation. But a senior Pakistan official told Al Jazeera five Indian aircraft were lost in the aerial battle.
India did not confirm or deny the Pakistani claims. “Losses are a part of combat,” Air Marshal AK Bharti, India’s director general of air operations, said at a news conference on May 11.
The Indian embassy in China called reports of the downing of jets “disinformation”.
After that, tit-for-tat cross-border attacks across the Line of Control (LoC), the de facto border between India- and Pakistan-administered Kashmir, rattled the region, renewing fears of a nuclear war.
On May 10, United States President Donald Trump announced that the two countries had reached a ceasefire, potentially averting a “nuclear disaster”. India and Pakistan have given competing claims on casualties in the fighting, but more than 70 people were killed on both sides.
Both India and Pakistan claim Kashmir in full but administer only parts of the Muslim-majority Himalayan territory.
Here is what Chauhan said in recent interviews with the Reuters news agency and Bloomberg TV:
On the downing of Indian fighter jets
Chauhan admitted that India suffered air losses on the first day of fighting without giving details.
In an interview with Reuters, he said: “What was important is why did these losses occur and what we’ll do after that.”
The Indian general said that after the losses, the Indian army “rectified tactics” and then went back on May 7, 8 and 10 “in large numbers to hit airbases deep inside Pakistan, penetrated all their air defences with impunity, carried out precision strikes”. He added that the Indian air force “flew all types of aircraft with all types of ordnances” on May 10.
Islamabad acknowledged that its airbases suffered some minimal losses but denied that it lost any planes.
When a Bloomberg reporter asked Chauhan about Pakistan’s claims that six Indian jets were downed, Chauhan responded that this information was incorrect.
He went on to say: “What is important is … not the jets being downed but why they were downed.” Some media outlets inferred that his statement appeared to imply that a number of jets were lost in the aerial battle.
The general did not provide details about the number of jets downed or specifics about what these rectified tactics were.
The Pakistani military said India did not fly its fighter jets in the conflict again after suffering the air losses.
On the risks of nuclear war
Media reports suggested that some attacks were near Pakistan’s nuclear sites but the nuclear infrastructure itself was not a target.
“Most of the strikes were delivered with pinpoint accuracy, some even to a metre [3.3ft] to whatever was our selected mean point of impact,” Chauhan said in the interview with Reuters.
Chauhan had previously provided assurances that India was not considering using nuclear weapons during the conflict. The chairman of Pakistan’s joint chiefs of staff, General Sahir Shamshad Mirza, has done the same for his country.
“I think there’s a lot of space before that nuclear threshold is crossed, a lot of signalling before that. I think nothing like that happened. There’s a lot of space for conventional operations which has been created, and this will be the new norm,” Chauhan said.
The Indian general added that on both sides, the most “rational people are in uniform” during conflict because they understand the consequences of “this kind of conflict”.
“I found both sides displaying a lot of rationality in their thoughts as well as actions. So why should we assume that in the nuclear domain there will be irrationality on someone else’s part?”
On Chinese role
The Indian chief of defence staff said that while Pakistan enjoys a close alliance with China, there was no sign that Beijing helped Islamabad during the conflict.
China sits on India’s northern and eastern borders and controls a barely inhabited northeastern zone in Kashmir called Aksai Chin.
“We didn’t find any unusual activity in the operational or tactical depth of our northern borders, and things were generally all right,” Chauhan said.
When Chauhan was asked whether China provided Pakistan with intelligence information such as satellite imagery, the Indian general responded by saying that such information is commercially available and Pakistan could have obtained it from China or other sources.
However, Chauhan said “almost 80 percent of the equipment” in Pakistan has been procured from China in the past few years.
From 2020 to 2025, China supplied 81 percent of Pakistan’s arms imports, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.
Chinese jets got a boost after media reports said Pakistan used Chinese-manufactured J-10C fighter jets in the air battle. The Chinese government did not officially confirm that the J-10C jets were used to down Indian jets, but China Central Television, a state broadcaster, posted on social media on May 17 that the jets achieved actual combat results for the first time.
What’s next
Chauhan said that while hostilities have ceased, India would “respond precisely and decisively should there be any further terror attacks emanating from Pakistan”. He added that this will be a new normal for India.
“So that has its own dynamics as far [as] the armed forces are concerned. It will require us to be prepared 24/7.”
The president of the main opposition Indian National Congress party said Chauhan’s admission warrants a review of India’s defence preparedness.
“There are some very important questions which need to be asked. These can only be asked if a Special Session of the Parliament is immediately convened,” Mallikarjun Kharge wrote in an X post on Saturday.
Referring to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, he added: “The Modi Govt has misled the nation. The fog of war is now clearing.”
“We salute [the Indian military’s] resolute courage and bravery,” Kharge said. “However, a comprehensive strategic review is the need of the hour.”
The Congress party has called the Pahalgam attack a “security and intelligence failure” and sought accountability, given that India-administered Kashmir is directly governed from New Delhi.
Conflict Zones
Ballet helps fight war fatigue in Ukraine’s front-line Kharkiv city | Russia-Ukraine war

In the Ukrainian city of Kharkiv, escaping the war with Russia is nearly impossible.
On certain days, when the wind shifts, residents of this historic city can hear the distant rumble of artillery fire from the front line, some 30km (18.5 miles) away.
Most nights, Russian kamikaze drones packed with explosives buzz overhead as parents put their children to bed.
Three years since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the unrelenting war exerts a heavy psychological burden on many in Kharkiv. Yet, there is a place in the city where, for a few fleeting hours, the war seems to vanish.
Beneath the Kharkiv National Academic Opera and Ballet Theatre, in a dim, brick-walled basement, a dance company has established a refuge from drones and bombs – a space where audiences can lose themselves in performances of classic ballets.
In April, this underground venue hosted performances of Chopiniana, an early 20th-century ballet set to the music of Frederic Chopin. Despite the improvised setting, the ballet was staged with full classical grandeur, complete with corps de ballet and orchestra.

It marked a significant milestone for Kharkiv’s cultural life: the first complete classical ballet performance in the city since February 2022, when Russian troops launched their invasion of Ukraine.
“In spite of everything – the fact that bombs are flying, drones, and everything else – we can give a gift of something wonderful to people,” said Antonina Radiievska, artistic director of Opera East, the ballet company behind the production.
“They can come and, even if it’s just for an hour or two, completely immerse themselves in a different world.”
Despite Ukraine’s rich tradition in classical ballet, the art form now seems far removed from the everyday existence of Ukrainians living through war. Daily routines revolve around monitoring apps for drone alerts, sleeping on metro station floors to escape air raids, or seeking news of loved ones on the front line. Pirouettes, pas de deux and chiffon tutus feel worlds away.
Nevertheless, the journey of Kharkiv’s ballet through wartime reflects the ways in which Ukrainian society has adapted and evolved.
On February 23, 2022, the National Academic Opera and Ballet Theatre staged a performance of the ballet Giselle. The next day, Russia launched its full-scale invasion. As Moscow’s forces advanced towards Kharkiv and threatened to seize the city, the theatre closed its doors and much of the ballet troupe departed.
Some regrouped in Slovakia and Lithuania, mounting ballet productions abroad with assistance from European sponsors.

By 2023, although the conflict ground on, the situation in Kharkiv, in Ukraine’s northeast, had stabilised after Russian ground troops withdrew. A new realisation took hold – this was a long-term reality. Locals began referring to the city, and themselves, with the Ukrainian word “nezlamniy”, meaning invincible.
That year, work began on transforming the theatre’s basement into a performance venue. By October 2023, it was being used for rehearsals. The following spring, authorities permitted the theatre to admit audiences, and small-scale ballet performances, including children’s concerts, resumed.
The revival of Chopiniana marked the next chapter in Kharkiv’s wartime cultural journey.
Staging a classical opera again signals that Ukraine endures, says Igor Tuluzov, director-general of Opera East. “We are demonstrating to the world that we really are a self-sufficient state, independent, in all its aspects, including cultural independence,” he said.
The auditorium now seats 400 people on stackable chairs, compared with the 1,750 seats in the main theatre above, where the plush mustard seats remain empty.
The stage is a quarter the size of the main one. Grey-painted bricks, concrete floors, and exposed pipes and wiring form a stark contrast to the varnished hardwood and marble of the theatre above. The basement’s acoustics, performers say, fall short of the cavernous main auditorium.
For artistic director Radiievska, however, the most important thing is that, after a long pause, she and her troupe can once again perform for a live audience.
“It means, you know, life,” she said. “An artist cannot exist without the stage, without creativity, without dance or song. It’s like a rebirth.”
Conflict Zones
Sudan Paramilitary Claims Key Gains in Kordofan; Fighting Intensifies Near Khartoum

Khartoum, May 30, 2025 — Rapid Support Forces (RSF) deputy leader Abdel Rahim Daglo announced on Friday that RSF fighters would press their eastward advance toward Khartoum, claiming “great victories” in several strategic towns across Kordofan. Addressing troops at an undisclosed location, Daglo said that all armed groups within the Tasis coalition had joined his paramilitary ranks and were now operating in concert with the RSF.
According to Daglo, RSF units seized control of Al-Dubaibat and Al-Hammadi in South Kordofan state, as well as Al-Khawi in neighboring West Kordofan. “Our fighters have secured these areas after intense clashes with Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) units and allied militias,” Daglo declared, adding that the momentum would not wane until the capital was within reach.
Sudan’s army, however, downplayed recent RSF advances as part of a “reorganization” campaign. A senior ally of the SAF—also the governor of Darfur—insisted that the military was regrouping and fortified its positions to counter what he described as “a temporary setback.” He maintained that the SAF’s strategic reserves remained intact and that front-line forces were being repositioned to mount a sustained defense of Khartoum.
As fighting has spread northward, the humanitarian situation in Khartoum has deteriorated sharply. With basic services all but collapsed, a deadly cholera outbreak has emerged in the densely populated capital. Aid agencies warn that the impending rainy season could exacerbate sanitation challenges, fueling further disease transmission. The United Nations has labeled the crisis “the world’s worst humanitarian emergency,” citing over 25,000 confirmed deaths and more than 3 million internally displaced persons since April.
International pressure has also mounted on Sudan’s transitional government. In late May, Washington imposed sanctions on Sudanese military leaders for the “alleged use of chemical weapons” against civilians. In response, the government announced a national investigation into the claims—a move it said was aimed at preserving Sudan’s international standing amid intensifying conflict.
With both sides entrenching their positions around Khartoum, observers warn that a protracted stalemate could unleash further civilian suffering. The RSF’s pledge to advance eastward has raised concerns that front-line engagements may spill into densely populated suburbs, where millions have already endured weeks of intermittent shelling and aerial bombardments. For now, the fate of Khartoum—and the broader prospects for peace—remain uncertain as paramilitary and army forces brace for a decisive showdown.
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