Conflict Zones
‘Callous’: Are Malian troops and Russian mercenaries attacking civilians? | Military News

Grainy camera footage showed them lying still in the blistering heat of the desert – six or seven bodies, maybe more. Wet, red spots in the sand and belongings scattered across the landscape were signs of what had happened. As the camera shifted back and forth, it caught a dirtied pair of jeans in the sand, curiously without its owner.
It was February in northern Mali. The group lying dead in the sand were reportedly returning from a wedding in the Gao region when they were attacked, not by armed groups, but allegedly by the Malian army and allied Russian mercenaries of the Wagner group. At least 20 people who had been travelling in two vehicles were killed, including children and old people.
Mali’s military government, in a rare move, promised to “investigate” soldiers alleged to have been involved in the deaths as an outcry from rights groups mounted. Weeks later, there aren’t yet any results. Analysts were not surprised – saying the incident was only one of several reported killings of civilians by state forces in the insecure West African country. The Malian army has long been accused of abuses against civilians, and now Russian fighters, who have made inroads in the country in the wake of declining French military presence, are fast building a similar reputation.
“The most striking difference with France’s former military presence has been Wagner’s callous strategy, characterised by wanton violence against civilians,” Constantin Gouvy, a Sahel researcher with the international affairs think tank, Clingendael Institute, told Al Jazeera, comparing the Russian fighters with French troops who were once Mali’s main support against invading armed groups before they exited the country in 2021 when Bamako and Paris fell out.
Mali has since sacked an 11,000-man United Nations peacekeeping mission, as well, and turned exclusively to Russian paramilitaries. Wagner troops were almost immediately spotted deep in enemy territory upon their deployment in 2022 and were accused by rights groups of collaborating in civilian “massacres” alongside state forces and pro-government ethnic fighter groups. However, analysts say that since August 2023, after the death of Wagner founder Yevgeny Prigozhin, the fighters appear to have intensified their involvement in Mali and expanded their scope of operations – at the cost of civilian lives.
Bamako is eager to weaken armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and ISIL (ISIS) and has targeted villagers in the north that it sees as sympathetic to them. But battles with Tuareg groups, some of whom are fighting for a secessionist state of “Azawad”, have become a key focus, and have reawakened a decades-long independence war in the north.
The travellers in the Gao convoy from February are believed to have been Tuareg.

Mali’s troubled past
Between 1,000 and 1,500 Russian Wagner fighters are on the Malian front lines, which is the group’s main active battleground in the region. Wagner soldiers are similarly present in the Central African Republic and Sudan.
Since 2023, Russia has sought to control the group more directly.
Some experts say Moscow is eager to avoid Wagner getting as powerful as it was under Progozhin, who staged a rebellion that embarrassed Russian President Vladimir Putin and senior defence officials just months before his death.
Russian defence authorities have since rebranded Wagner’s Africa operations as Africa Corps. But in Mali, the fighters have continued to identify themselves as “Wagner”, analysts who monitor their Telegram channels say.
Mali’s crisis began in 2012, when coalitions of Tuareg secessionists known collectively as the Coordination of Azawad Movements (CMA) took control of three northern cities – Timbuktu, Kidal and Gao, proclaimed an independent Azawad state, and split Mali into two.
The then-civilian government sought help from the French military and the UN. The two forces were able to retake some rebel territory. In 2015, the rebels and Bamako signed a fragile peace deal that granted Tuareg separatists some autonomy.
However, low-level attacks by the CMA continued. Armed groups such as the al-Qaeda-backed Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) and the ISIL affiliate in the Greater Sahara (ISGS), which the CMA sometimes cooperates with, grew in power, attacking and taxing civilians, and seizing territory. In 2020, the military, riding a wave of popular anger at the France-backed government, seized power.
France condemned the coup, pledging not to work with a military government. Analysts also note that Paris was unwilling to tamper with the Tuareg deal they’d helped secure, a deal the military was especially keen on discarding because they perceived it as threatening. The fighter groups were then forced to look elsewhere for support.
“It was only Wagner troops that were willing to help take back the north,” said Antonio Giustozzi, a researcher at the United Kingdom think tank, Royal United Service Institute (RUSI). The group, he said, is especially known among global mercenary outfits for having an appetite for high-risk warfare, such as the fighter tactics needed in remote Sahelian territory.
“The priority for the Malian government was always the north because they felt those guys got too much autonomy, and they didn’t like how cozy they were getting with the French,” he said.

Proving their worth
Fighting was ongoing in Mali when Prigozhin died in a plane crash in late 2023. Some analysts predicted that Wagner would significantly reduce its operations in West Africa as the Russian government re-arranged the unit. Some 100 fighters were recalled from Burkina Faso to Ukraine in late 2023, raising those speculations.
Giustozzi said Wagner’s future was unclear for some months. Mali was unwilling to deal with a military force that was essentially under Russian government control. Moscow was also torn: On the one hand, it was wary of the group and did not want it to return to its former strength; on the other, shutting it down would mean Moscow lost access to the Sahel where it has gained significant influence, not to mention the millions of dollars in security payments.
Eventually, a compromise was reached, the RUSI expert said: Wagner would stay on for the fighting, and Russian military officials would oversee noncombat deployments, such as training and maintaining equipment. The Russian military is deployed in similar roles in Burkina Faso and Niger.
Wagner, now led by Ivan Aleksandrovich Maslov, has been pressured to prove to Bamako it can deliver despite the internal turmoil, analysts say, pointing to its doubled combat activities since then. In the last quarter of 2023, after Russia’s direct takeover of the group, Wagner’s activities in Mali doubled compared with the previous quarter, according to analysis by conflict monitor ACLED. That trend continued in 2024.
“What Wagner is willing to do, no one else is,” Giustozzi said. Russian fighters are active in remote parts of northern Mali, close to the Algerian border, where there is little air support or possibilities for medical evacuation. It’s a situation most mercenary groups would baulk at, he said, but Wagner fighters are especially rugged and, like other mercenaries, violent.

Mounting abuses
With Wagner’s help, Mali’s army made significant gains against the rebels.
In late 2023, the government coalition took back control of Kidal. In February 2024, government forces also retook the Inathaka gold mine, the largest artisanal gold mine in the north which had been controlled jointly by armed groups and Azawad rebels. Government air attacks have also killed high-ranking rebel leaders.
That success has come at the expense of civilian lives as the military, Wagner troops, and pro-government fighter groups step up military operations. Where armed groups killed about 400 people in total in 2024, Wagner and the Malian military killed more than 900 people, according to ACLED.
Civilians fleeing Mali’s north to Mauritania arrive with horror tales of “white men in masks”, according to reporting by The Washington Post. Experts tell of women strip-searched and abused, men decapitated, people burned alive, and entire communities razed.
Human Rights Watch, in a December report, revealed that between May and December, the Malian army and Russian forces “deliberately killed at least 32 civilians, including 7 in a drone strike, forcibly disappeared 4 others, and burned at least 100 homes in military operations in towns and villages in central and northern Mali”.
The rights groups also accused JNIM and ISGS of dozens of civilian deaths in the same timeframe.
French troops, when they were in Mali, were not without their faults. A French air raid in January 2021 killed 19 civilians taking part in a wedding. And Mali’s army is routinely implicated in civilian deaths.
Wagner and the Malian military too have been badly hit. Last July, the coalition suffered its biggest defeat yet, when a unit was ambushed by a joint force of CMA fighters and armed groups in northern Tinzouaten. Dozens of Wagner soldiers died or were taken captive.
Mali, in the aftermath, blamed Ukraine for providing intelligence support to the Tuareg in order to get back at Russia. It also cut ties with Kyiv.
Despite its military setbacks, Wagner for now appears intent on keeping both Moscow and Bamako happy, experts say.
“They are a relatively low-cost involvement which brings in money, minerals, and geopolitical sway,” Gouvy, the Clingendael Institute researcher said, painting Moscow’s likely calculations with Wagner at a time when Western sanctions have hobbled revenue.
“For now, it’s reasonable to expect Russia will continue to leverage Wagner and Africa Corps to spread its influence in the Sahel in one form or another,” he added.
Conflict Zones
India general admits jet losses in clash with Pakistan: Here’s what he said | India-Pakistan Tensions News

General Anil Chauhan, India’s chief of defence staff, has admitted that an unspecified number of fighter jets were shot down during its conflict with Pakistan last month.
The acknowledgement of aerial losses by the country’s highest ranking general comes weeks after the two South Asian neighbours were engaged in their heaviest fighting in decades, which involved fighter jets and cruise missiles.
Indian officials had previously refused to confirm or deny Pakistani claims of downing Indian jets. The conflict was triggered after gunmen killed 26 tourists in India-administered Kashmir’s Pahalgam town on April 22.
India’s first official admission of a loss of fighter jets came during Chauhan’s interviews on the sidelines of the Shangri-La Dialogue security forum in Singapore.
What was the conflict between India and Pakistan?
India carried out strikes on what it called “terror infrastructure” in Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir on May 7 in retaliation for the Pahalgam attack. India blamed armed groups backed by Pakistan for the April 22 attack.
An armed group called The Resistance Front (TRF) claimed responsibility for the Pahalgam killings. India accused the TRF of being an offshoot of the Pakistan-based armed group Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). Pakistan denied involvement, condemning the Pahalgam attack and calling for a neutral investigation.
India claimed to have targeted at least six cities in Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir on the first day of the conflict. Pakistan initially asserted that it had downed six Indian fighter jets in retaliation. But a senior Pakistan official told Al Jazeera five Indian aircraft were lost in the aerial battle.
India did not confirm or deny the Pakistani claims. “Losses are a part of combat,” Air Marshal AK Bharti, India’s director general of air operations, said at a news conference on May 11.
The Indian embassy in China called reports of the downing of jets “disinformation”.
After that, tit-for-tat cross-border attacks across the Line of Control (LoC), the de facto border between India- and Pakistan-administered Kashmir, rattled the region, renewing fears of a nuclear war.
On May 10, United States President Donald Trump announced that the two countries had reached a ceasefire, potentially averting a “nuclear disaster”. India and Pakistan have given competing claims on casualties in the fighting, but more than 70 people were killed on both sides.
Both India and Pakistan claim Kashmir in full but administer only parts of the Muslim-majority Himalayan territory.
Here is what Chauhan said in recent interviews with the Reuters news agency and Bloomberg TV:
On the downing of Indian fighter jets
Chauhan admitted that India suffered air losses on the first day of fighting without giving details.
In an interview with Reuters, he said: “What was important is why did these losses occur and what we’ll do after that.”
The Indian general said that after the losses, the Indian army “rectified tactics” and then went back on May 7, 8 and 10 “in large numbers to hit airbases deep inside Pakistan, penetrated all their air defences with impunity, carried out precision strikes”. He added that the Indian air force “flew all types of aircraft with all types of ordnances” on May 10.
Islamabad acknowledged that its airbases suffered some minimal losses but denied that it lost any planes.
When a Bloomberg reporter asked Chauhan about Pakistan’s claims that six Indian jets were downed, Chauhan responded that this information was incorrect.
He went on to say: “What is important is … not the jets being downed but why they were downed.” Some media outlets inferred that his statement appeared to imply that a number of jets were lost in the aerial battle.
The general did not provide details about the number of jets downed or specifics about what these rectified tactics were.
The Pakistani military said India did not fly its fighter jets in the conflict again after suffering the air losses.
On the risks of nuclear war
Media reports suggested that some attacks were near Pakistan’s nuclear sites but the nuclear infrastructure itself was not a target.
“Most of the strikes were delivered with pinpoint accuracy, some even to a metre [3.3ft] to whatever was our selected mean point of impact,” Chauhan said in the interview with Reuters.
Chauhan had previously provided assurances that India was not considering using nuclear weapons during the conflict. The chairman of Pakistan’s joint chiefs of staff, General Sahir Shamshad Mirza, has done the same for his country.
“I think there’s a lot of space before that nuclear threshold is crossed, a lot of signalling before that. I think nothing like that happened. There’s a lot of space for conventional operations which has been created, and this will be the new norm,” Chauhan said.
The Indian general added that on both sides, the most “rational people are in uniform” during conflict because they understand the consequences of “this kind of conflict”.
“I found both sides displaying a lot of rationality in their thoughts as well as actions. So why should we assume that in the nuclear domain there will be irrationality on someone else’s part?”
On Chinese role
The Indian chief of defence staff said that while Pakistan enjoys a close alliance with China, there was no sign that Beijing helped Islamabad during the conflict.
China sits on India’s northern and eastern borders and controls a barely inhabited northeastern zone in Kashmir called Aksai Chin.
“We didn’t find any unusual activity in the operational or tactical depth of our northern borders, and things were generally all right,” Chauhan said.
When Chauhan was asked whether China provided Pakistan with intelligence information such as satellite imagery, the Indian general responded by saying that such information is commercially available and Pakistan could have obtained it from China or other sources.
However, Chauhan said “almost 80 percent of the equipment” in Pakistan has been procured from China in the past few years.
From 2020 to 2025, China supplied 81 percent of Pakistan’s arms imports, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.
Chinese jets got a boost after media reports said Pakistan used Chinese-manufactured J-10C fighter jets in the air battle. The Chinese government did not officially confirm that the J-10C jets were used to down Indian jets, but China Central Television, a state broadcaster, posted on social media on May 17 that the jets achieved actual combat results for the first time.
What’s next
Chauhan said that while hostilities have ceased, India would “respond precisely and decisively should there be any further terror attacks emanating from Pakistan”. He added that this will be a new normal for India.
“So that has its own dynamics as far [as] the armed forces are concerned. It will require us to be prepared 24/7.”
The president of the main opposition Indian National Congress party said Chauhan’s admission warrants a review of India’s defence preparedness.
“There are some very important questions which need to be asked. These can only be asked if a Special Session of the Parliament is immediately convened,” Mallikarjun Kharge wrote in an X post on Saturday.
Referring to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, he added: “The Modi Govt has misled the nation. The fog of war is now clearing.”
“We salute [the Indian military’s] resolute courage and bravery,” Kharge said. “However, a comprehensive strategic review is the need of the hour.”
The Congress party has called the Pahalgam attack a “security and intelligence failure” and sought accountability, given that India-administered Kashmir is directly governed from New Delhi.
Conflict Zones
Ballet helps fight war fatigue in Ukraine’s front-line Kharkiv city | Russia-Ukraine war

In the Ukrainian city of Kharkiv, escaping the war with Russia is nearly impossible.
On certain days, when the wind shifts, residents of this historic city can hear the distant rumble of artillery fire from the front line, some 30km (18.5 miles) away.
Most nights, Russian kamikaze drones packed with explosives buzz overhead as parents put their children to bed.
Three years since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the unrelenting war exerts a heavy psychological burden on many in Kharkiv. Yet, there is a place in the city where, for a few fleeting hours, the war seems to vanish.
Beneath the Kharkiv National Academic Opera and Ballet Theatre, in a dim, brick-walled basement, a dance company has established a refuge from drones and bombs – a space where audiences can lose themselves in performances of classic ballets.
In April, this underground venue hosted performances of Chopiniana, an early 20th-century ballet set to the music of Frederic Chopin. Despite the improvised setting, the ballet was staged with full classical grandeur, complete with corps de ballet and orchestra.

It marked a significant milestone for Kharkiv’s cultural life: the first complete classical ballet performance in the city since February 2022, when Russian troops launched their invasion of Ukraine.
“In spite of everything – the fact that bombs are flying, drones, and everything else – we can give a gift of something wonderful to people,” said Antonina Radiievska, artistic director of Opera East, the ballet company behind the production.
“They can come and, even if it’s just for an hour or two, completely immerse themselves in a different world.”
Despite Ukraine’s rich tradition in classical ballet, the art form now seems far removed from the everyday existence of Ukrainians living through war. Daily routines revolve around monitoring apps for drone alerts, sleeping on metro station floors to escape air raids, or seeking news of loved ones on the front line. Pirouettes, pas de deux and chiffon tutus feel worlds away.
Nevertheless, the journey of Kharkiv’s ballet through wartime reflects the ways in which Ukrainian society has adapted and evolved.
On February 23, 2022, the National Academic Opera and Ballet Theatre staged a performance of the ballet Giselle. The next day, Russia launched its full-scale invasion. As Moscow’s forces advanced towards Kharkiv and threatened to seize the city, the theatre closed its doors and much of the ballet troupe departed.
Some regrouped in Slovakia and Lithuania, mounting ballet productions abroad with assistance from European sponsors.

By 2023, although the conflict ground on, the situation in Kharkiv, in Ukraine’s northeast, had stabilised after Russian ground troops withdrew. A new realisation took hold – this was a long-term reality. Locals began referring to the city, and themselves, with the Ukrainian word “nezlamniy”, meaning invincible.
That year, work began on transforming the theatre’s basement into a performance venue. By October 2023, it was being used for rehearsals. The following spring, authorities permitted the theatre to admit audiences, and small-scale ballet performances, including children’s concerts, resumed.
The revival of Chopiniana marked the next chapter in Kharkiv’s wartime cultural journey.
Staging a classical opera again signals that Ukraine endures, says Igor Tuluzov, director-general of Opera East. “We are demonstrating to the world that we really are a self-sufficient state, independent, in all its aspects, including cultural independence,” he said.
The auditorium now seats 400 people on stackable chairs, compared with the 1,750 seats in the main theatre above, where the plush mustard seats remain empty.
The stage is a quarter the size of the main one. Grey-painted bricks, concrete floors, and exposed pipes and wiring form a stark contrast to the varnished hardwood and marble of the theatre above. The basement’s acoustics, performers say, fall short of the cavernous main auditorium.
For artistic director Radiievska, however, the most important thing is that, after a long pause, she and her troupe can once again perform for a live audience.
“It means, you know, life,” she said. “An artist cannot exist without the stage, without creativity, without dance or song. It’s like a rebirth.”
Conflict Zones
Sudan Paramilitary Claims Key Gains in Kordofan; Fighting Intensifies Near Khartoum

Khartoum, May 30, 2025 — Rapid Support Forces (RSF) deputy leader Abdel Rahim Daglo announced on Friday that RSF fighters would press their eastward advance toward Khartoum, claiming “great victories” in several strategic towns across Kordofan. Addressing troops at an undisclosed location, Daglo said that all armed groups within the Tasis coalition had joined his paramilitary ranks and were now operating in concert with the RSF.
According to Daglo, RSF units seized control of Al-Dubaibat and Al-Hammadi in South Kordofan state, as well as Al-Khawi in neighboring West Kordofan. “Our fighters have secured these areas after intense clashes with Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) units and allied militias,” Daglo declared, adding that the momentum would not wane until the capital was within reach.
Sudan’s army, however, downplayed recent RSF advances as part of a “reorganization” campaign. A senior ally of the SAF—also the governor of Darfur—insisted that the military was regrouping and fortified its positions to counter what he described as “a temporary setback.” He maintained that the SAF’s strategic reserves remained intact and that front-line forces were being repositioned to mount a sustained defense of Khartoum.
As fighting has spread northward, the humanitarian situation in Khartoum has deteriorated sharply. With basic services all but collapsed, a deadly cholera outbreak has emerged in the densely populated capital. Aid agencies warn that the impending rainy season could exacerbate sanitation challenges, fueling further disease transmission. The United Nations has labeled the crisis “the world’s worst humanitarian emergency,” citing over 25,000 confirmed deaths and more than 3 million internally displaced persons since April.
International pressure has also mounted on Sudan’s transitional government. In late May, Washington imposed sanctions on Sudanese military leaders for the “alleged use of chemical weapons” against civilians. In response, the government announced a national investigation into the claims—a move it said was aimed at preserving Sudan’s international standing amid intensifying conflict.
With both sides entrenching their positions around Khartoum, observers warn that a protracted stalemate could unleash further civilian suffering. The RSF’s pledge to advance eastward has raised concerns that front-line engagements may spill into densely populated suburbs, where millions have already endured weeks of intermittent shelling and aerial bombardments. For now, the fate of Khartoum—and the broader prospects for peace—remain uncertain as paramilitary and army forces brace for a decisive showdown.
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