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‘It’s not what he expected’: Rubio has competition for the role of America’s top diplomat

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CNN
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When Marco Rubio signed on as Donald Trump’s Secretary of State, he went into the job “with eyes wide open,” according to a person familiar with his thinking. He knew it wouldn’t be easy working for Trump. He knew that Trump had a track record of firing top officials by tweet. He also knew what it was like to be called, “Little Marco.”

Rubio still lobbied for the prestigious job of being America’s top diplomat after he lost out on being Trump’s vice president to JD Vance.

What Rubio didn’t count on was that he might run the risk of being overshadowed as secretary of state by one of Trump’s closest friends, real estate developer and billionaire Steve Witkoff.

Over the first two months of the second Trump administration, Rubio has in some ways taken a back seat on the world stage to Witkoff, whose portfolio has expanded beyond his official title of special envoy to the Middle East.

Witkoff has been a leading player in some of Trump’s highest profile foreign policy wins — the release of hostages in Israel, a since-broken ceasefire in Gaza, and the return of American Marc Fogel from Russia after Witkoff traveled to Moscow to finalize negotiations for his release.

He’s jetted around the Middle East and become a key mediator in talks to end the war in Ukraine. Witkoff went back to Moscow for a face-to-face with Russian president Vladimir Putin last week to try to advance the administration’s ceasefire proposal.

Witkoff is “flying all over the world playing secretary of state,” said a person familiar with the dynamic. “He has one thing that no one else has — he has Trump’s 100% confidence.”

Rubio, meanwhile, has dived into his role with trips to Central America to discuss immigration, to the Middle East, Europe and Canada for discussions on the wars in Gaza and Ukraine, and to meet with G7 partners.

At times, he has appeared uncomfortable with some of the administration’s moves: he reportedly feuded with Elon Musk in a Trump Cabinet meeting earlier this month, and was notably photographed in what one Rubio ally called a “couch slouch” in the Oval Office as Trump and Vance berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky.

The optics have raised questions about Rubio’s influence with Trump, according to people familiar with the State Department. Though Rubio was the first cabinet member confirmed— unanimously at that — his role has lacked some of the profile and portfolio traditionally enjoyed by previous secretaries of state. And there’s a contingent of MAGA faithful still skeptical of his hawkish foreign policy views.

“I think he is frustrated,” a senator still in touch with Rubio told CNN.

While foreign diplomats have praised Rubio for his engagement, multiple sources familiar with Rubio and the job say he appears ill at ease by how the White House has minimized his role.

“It’s not what he expected,” said one person. “Witkoff came out of the blue,” they added. “Trump loves him.”

Nevertheless, only Rubio carries the full trappings of the secretary’s office. While Witkoff often flies on his own Gulfstream private jet, Rubio is welcomed with pomp upon arrival in foreign countries, traveling with a large security detail and on the government’s C-32 jumbo jet emblazoned with “United States of America.”

After the story published on Friday, Rubio posted on X attacking CNN and saying Witkoff is “one of the people I work with the CLOSEST on our team.”

In a statement to CNN, Witkoff said he had a “wonderful working relationship” with Rubio.

“He is already a great Secretary of State and in my view will go down as one of the greatest,” Witkoff said. “Where the media gets these nonsense stories I will never know so I have now learned to dismiss them. Every single issue I am working on comes with the collaboration of Marco Rubio.”

Rubio’s allies in the administration argue he and Witkoff are complementing each other rather than dueling, and both the State Department and the White House pushed back on the notion that he is in any way being overshadowed by Witkoff.

“Nothing could be further from the truth,” National Security Council spokesman Brian Hughes said in a statement to CNN. “Secretary Rubio is a pivotal leader on President Trump’s national security team having spearheaded a number of foreign policy initiatives, especially as it relates to negotiating a peaceful resolution to the war in Ukraine and driving policy in the Western Hemisphere. President Trump has amassed a talented team who are working around the clock to deliver results for Americans.”

State Department spokesperson Tammy Bruce said in a statement, “Your premise is false. Secretary Rubio and Special Envoy Witkoff have a fantastic relationship, and are working together to advance President Trump’s agenda.”

On Friday morning, the president praised Rubio’s work ethic, telling reporters unprompted in the Oval Office, “He’s worked so hard. He’s gone to so many different countries already.”

“He’s a fantastic person – a great man,” Trump said. “I think he has a chance to be our best secretary of state.”

Trump’s public reliance on Witkoff has already led to speculation in Washington about how long Rubio will want to stay in the job.

One longtime friend of Rubio’s said he approached the job mindful of the revolving door of the first Trump administration, notably Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, who lasted 13 months. Another person familiar with Rubio’s thinking said he took the job to “burnish his credentials” and still has presidential ambitions that were not reached after his 2016 bid fell short to Trump.

He will view his role as a success if he serves for 18 months to two years, the friend added, which would allow him time to plan for a potential presidential run in 2028, should that opportunity present itself.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio listens as President Donald Trump delivers remarks during a Cabinet Meeting at the White House on February 26, 2025 in Washington, DC.

Sources familiar with Rubio also point out there is a potential upside for him keeping some of the biggest foreign policy crises at arms’ length, with major questions still looming about how Trump will navigate an end to Russia’s war in Ukraine and the broken ceasefire in Gaza.

“I think Marco will find his groove and his niche,” said a former Republican senator who worked with Rubio. “It probably won’t be with the hot-button areas of the world — and he’d probably be wise to leave that with the White House to deal with.”

Rubio built a lengthy foreign policy resume in the Senate, serving as the top Republican on the Senate Intelligence Committee and a long-term member on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. That experience helped him land on Trump’s VP shortlist, even though he was ultimately passed over for Vance.

Rubio has already played a key role in several diplomatic efforts. He led a US delegation to Saudi Arabia earlier this month, where Ukraine accepted a 30-day ceasefire proposal, easing tensions with Kyiv after the Zelensky Oval Office blowup.

For some veteran diplomats back in Washington, it’s been tough watching Rubio’s first two months on the job — fighting cuts from Musk’s DOGE and ceding some of the traditional diplomatic role of the secretary of state to one of Trump’s New York real estate friends.

While Rubio was tasked with soothing and reassuring America’s closest allies during last week’s formal G7 meeting in Quebec, Canada, Witkoff was headed to Moscow, for a one-on-one meeting with Putin.

“Marco Rubio is a real foreign policy guy,” said one former senior State Department official familiar with both Rubio and Witkoff. “The idea that Steve Witkoff is going to sit around with Putin in the Kremlin, I mean really. Come on, Witkoff is a golf buddy… it’s ridiculous.”

The G7 meeting last week in Canada was the first real chance for Rubio to explain directly to counterparts the vision of the Trump agenda, a senior US official close to Rubio told CNN, emphasizing that it “isn’t a passing fad” but something that will “require everybody to adjust.”

Trump didn’t make it easy for him.

Just as Rubio was sitting down for a long day of meetings with frustrated allies, Trump sent out a caps-filled social media post announcing a new 200% tariff on European alcohol, targeting some of the countries whose ministers were with Rubio at the G7 meeting.

As the assembled diplomats shared Trump’s message with each other, they recognized the difficult position Rubio was in.

Hours later, Trump struck again, declaring from the Oval Office, “Canada only works as a state.”

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, second from right, attends the G7 foreign ministers meeting in La Malbaie, Quebec, on March 13.

The 51st state question dogged Rubio throughout his trip to Canada. He answered like a diplomat: “There’s a disagreement between the president’s position and the position of the Canadian government,” Rubio told reporters. “I don’t think that’s a mystery coming in and it wasn’t a topic of conversation, because that’s not what the summit was about.”

Both in public and private, Rubio and other G7 officials emphasized a need to ignore the Trump-fueled chaos and focus on what they could try to move forward, like a ceasefire in Ukraine, according to sources who requested anonymity.

To some foreign diplomats at the G7, the ease of working with Rubio behind closed doors contrasted with the difficulties of dealing with the temperamental Trump White House.

He’s “a very valuable interlocutor,” one senior European official told CNN. “I don’t feel this hostility” that Trump expresses, the official added.

In the resort hotel that hosted the three-day G7 event, foreign officials privately expressed surprise and anger over Trump’s actions, though they roundly praised Rubio for his professional diplomacy.

“He’s a pure politician with a very good pedigree,” said another senior European official who attended several of the G7 meetings with Rubio. “Rough times are for politicians.”

International officials said that behind closed doors, Rubio did not stray from his public praise of Trump and desire to enact Trump’s agenda, however controversial.

“He is a truly experienced diplomatic hand,” said a third foreign official.

Several officials did however raise the question of how much influence Rubio has on Trump.

Following the G7, British Foreign Secretary David Lammy flew to Washington where he met with Vance on Sunday, despite having just seen Rubio, his counterpart, in Canada.

Inside the State Department, Rubio is getting mixed reviews.

There have been scores of retirements of diplomats, sources told CNN, far more than in previous years. And because of the government-wide hiring freeze, the Department has stopped offering the foreign service exam and rescinded offers for an April entry-level class of foreign service officers.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio shakes hands with Panama Canal Authority Administrator Ricaurte Vasquez during a tour at the Miraflores locks of the Panama Canal in Panama City on February 2.

At the same time, it seems that Rubio has been able to push back against some of DOGE’s biggest cuts, two foreign service officers said, noting that there has not yet been a widespread firing of State Department personnel.

Although they do expect potentially “massive” reductions, “the effort to protect us from the most immediate and most sort of extreme cuts were good,” one of the foreign service officers said.

Still, this person said they were disappointed Rubio hadn’t been more of a moderating influence.

“The earliest signals were that there was going to be kind of a fight between the Rubio people and the Trump people. Rubio does not seem like he is interested or capable in fighting back on policy issues,” the officer said, pointing to “the utter abandonment of Ukraine.”

“It’s unconscionable what he has done to Ukraine,” the person added.

Another challenge Rubio has faced is Trump’s sweeping suspension of foreign aid. He is now in charge of a dismantled USAID, whose mission he long supported as a senator.

Rubio has spent long hours trying to work through lists of waiver requests for critical programs, according to the senator who’s stayed in touch with Rubio.

“I talked to him a couple weeks in, when all the first USAID things were happening, and he said he’d been up until 3 am trying to go through waivers,” the senator said.

“He expressed concern about waivers for programs that are important for humanitarian reasons in terms of our national security, but that has not translated into having those programs turned back on by a large degree,” the senator added.

In the end, however, it was Rubio himself who sent the memo putting in place the foreign aid freeze with waivers only for life-saving programs.

This story has been updated with additional reporting.



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Fatima Hassouna: Gaza journalist featured in new Cannes documentary killed in Israeli airstrike

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CNN
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Fatima Hassouna, a war documentarian who had covered the conflict in Gaza on the ground for 18 months and the subject of a new documentary to be screened at the Cannes Film Festival next month, was killed along with seven members of her family in an Israeli strike this week.

“If I die, I want a resounding death, I do not want me in urgent news, nor in a number with a group,” Hassouna wrote in a post on Instagram in August 2024. “I want a death that the world hears, an effect that remains for the extent of the ages, and immortal images that neither time nor space buries,” added the photojournalist.

The health ministry in Gaza told CNN on Friday that Hassouna’s parents survived the strike on Wednesday, but both suffered critical injuries and are in an intensive care unit.

The Palestinian Journalists’ Protection Center (PJPC) said it mourns the loss of Hassouna. It said that the strike that killed her targeted her family’s home on Al-Nafaq Street in Gaza City and also killed several of her family members. It described the attack as a “crime” against journalists and a violation of international law.

“Fatima’s powerful photos documenting life under siege were published globally, shedding light on the human toll of the war,” the center said.

The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) said on Wednesday that the target was “a terrorist in Hamas’ Gaza City Brigade” and that steps were taken to mitigate the risk of harm to civilians. “The terrorist planned and executed terror attacks against IDF troops and Israeli civilians,” the IDF said in a statement without providing further details.

Fatima’s cousin Hamza Hassouna recounted the strike to CNN Friday. “I was sitting when suddenly two rockets fell, one next to me and one in the living room. The house fell on us and everything was a disaster,” he said.

Hassouna posted her photos on Facebook and Instagram, where she had more than 35,000 followers. Her images documented the challenges of everyday life in Gaza and the threat of living under Israeli bombardment.

She was featured in Sepideh Farsi’s documentary film, Put Your Soul On Your Hand And Walk, which has been selected to be screened in the ACID section at the 78th Cannes Film Festival in May 2025. A director’s statement describes the film as “a window, opened through a miraculous encounter with Fatima” into the “ongoing massacre of the Palestinians.”

Following the news of Hassouna’s death, the Iranian film director on Friday shared a photo on social media featuring herself on camera with Hassouna, who was smiling. “My last image of her is a smile. I cling to it today,” Farsi wrote alongside the picture.

Speaking to CNN Friday, Farsi said Hassouna was “a very bright and sunny person, had an amazing smile and was an optimistic person by nature.” The film director said she had worked with Hassouna for more than a year on the documentary and that they got to know each other very well.

Farsi said the last time she contacted Hassouna was one day before her death to give her “the happy news” about the documentary. “We both discussed her traveling to France in May to present the documentary in Cannes with me, since she is the main protagonist,” Farsi said.

“I thought it was a mistake when I heard about her death,” Farsi added. “I hope this documentary will shed light on her life in Gaza and serve as a tribute to her memory.”

According to the PJPC, the number of journalists who have died in the Gaza Strip since October 7, 2023, has risen to 212, an unprecedented toll according to numerous journalist groups. The organization called on the international community to open an immediate investigation into the incident and hold those responsible to account.

Hassouna’s neighbor, Um Aed Ajur, described Hassouna as proud of the work she was doing. She questioned the strike on her house, saying she and her family “have no connection” to any group. “We have been neighbors for 35 years and have never heard that they are connected to any (group),” she added.

Hassouna’s final post on her Facebook page was a series of photos of Gaza fishermen by the sea last Saturday, less than a week before she was killed. She posted the pictures with a short poem.

“From here you get to know the city. You enter it, but you don’t leave, because you won’t leave, and you can’t,” she wrote.

CNN’s Lauren Izso contributed reporting



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Russia creating ‘general impression’ of ceasefire while continuing to shell, Zelensky says

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CNN
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Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky accused Russia of creating a “general impression” of a ceasefire while continuing to pummel parts of the front line, despite Russian President Vladimir Putin announcing a brief cessation in fighting for Easter.

Putin’s surprise announcement on Saturday, ordering his forces to “stop all military activity” along the front line from 6 p.m. Moscow time on Saturday (11 a.m. ET) until midnight on Monday (5 p.m. Sunday ET) was met with immediate skepticism from Ukraine, although Kyiv agreed to the truce.

Questions were raised over Putin’s motives in calling the brief halt to hostilities, which came soon after the Trump administration threatened to abandon peace efforts without tangible signs of progress.

By Easter Sunday morning, the ceasefire had already been violated multiple times, Zelensky said. Ukraine’s military said that while activity along the front line had decreased, the fighting had not stopped.

Between 6 p.m. local time on Saturday, when the ceasefire went into effect, and midnight, there were 387 instances of shelling and 19 assaults by Russian forces, Zelensky said in a post on X.

“Overall, as of Easter morning we can state that the Russian army is attempting to create the general impression of a ceasefire, while in some areas still continuing isolated attempts to advance and inflict losses on Ukraine,” Zelensky said, citing a report from General Oleksandr Syrskyi, Commander-in-Chief of Ukraine’s Armed Forces.

In Russia’s Kursk region – the scene of a shock Ukrainian incursion last year – Moscow’s forces conducted artillery strikes and used drones, he added.

“Everywhere our warriors are responding as the enemy deserves, based on the specific combat situation. Ukraine will continue to act symmetrically,” Zelensky said.

In a post later Sunday, Zelensky said Ukraine’s military had recorded an increase in Russian shelling and the use of “kamikaze” drones since 10 a.m. local time. “In practice, either Putin does not have full control over his army, or the situation proves that in Russia, they have no intention of making a genuine move toward ending the war, and are only interested in favorable PR coverage,” he added.

There does appear at least to be a let-up in the near-daily, deadly aerial attacks on Ukraine. The Ukrainian Air Force said it had not recorded any aerial threats from missiles or drones from Russia since Saturday night, while Russia’s Defense Ministry did not report any drone or missile attacks on Russia overnight.

For its part, Russia’s defense ministry said Sunday that its forces had been “strictly observing” the ceasefire since 6 p.m. on Saturday evening, and accused Ukraine of violating the pause in fighting over 1,000 times.

The ministry said that Ukrainian units had shot at Russian positions 444 times during the night, carried out over 900 drone attacks and used 48 plane-type UAVs.

“As a result, there were deaths and injuries among the civilian population and damage to civilian objects,” a statement from the ministry claimed.

The Ukrainian leader has called for the ceasefire to be extended to 30 days, in line with a US-led proposal last month. On Sunday morning, he said that the proposal still stands, despite the accusations of repeated violations.

“Russia must fully comply with the conditions of the ceasefire. Ukraine’s proposal to implement and extend the ceasefire for 30 days after midnight tonight remains on the table. We will act in accordance with the actual situation on the ground.”

Ukraine’s Armed Forces have stated that they will comply with orders to limit fire on Russia’s army, but would not show restraint if fired on first.

A commander on the ground warned Sunday: “Yesterday we were told to limit fire against the Russians. If they don’t assault or provoke us, we don’t fire. If they move or fire at us, we can answer.”

CNN has reached out to the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for comment.

Putin said the ceasefire was on humanitarian grounds but added that his troops would respond to any “provocations.”



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Before Easter became a holy day for Christians, it was the beginning of the Resistance

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In the year 112, a Roman governor in modern-day Turkey had his first encounter with members of a strange religious cult called “Christiani.”

The governor had heard reports the cult followed an obscure criminal who had been tortured and executed by the Romans. His followers, though, believed that their leader was still somehow alive. They met in each others’ homes for communal meals where, rumor had it, they practiced cannibalism by drinking the blood of their leader and held orgies.

The governor became even more puzzled when he summoned two leaders from the cult for interrogation. He wrote about the encounter.

“I believe it all the more necessary to find out the truth from two slave women, whom they call deaconesses, even by torture,” he wrote to the Roman Emperor Trajan.” I found nothing but depraved and immoderate superstition.”

He assured Trajan that he had deployed the firm hand of Rome to halt the “contagion.” The governor, Pliny the Younger, would go on to some renown. He would write additional letters that gave historians crucial insight into the Roman Empire. And he would provide a harrowing first-person account of the volcanic eruption that buried the city of Pompeii.

But he would miss the seismic religious shift that literally stared him in the face. The obscure cult would become the dominant faith in Rome and the most widely practiced religion in the world. The cross, an instrument of torture used by the Roman government to publicly lynch political revolutionaries, would “come to serve as the most globally recognized symbol of a god that there has ever been,” according to the scholar Tom Holland, in his book, “Dominion: How the Christian Revolution remade the World.”

This improbable rise of Christianity is what many of the world’s estimated 2 billion Christians will celebrate today. The holiest day of the Christian calendar commemorates what Christians believe is the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ, symbolized by the empty tomb.

A painting of Jesus' Resurrection by the artist Perugino, painted in the late 1400s.

But the miracle of Easter didn’t end there. What happened across Rome in the years that followed was in some ways just as astonishing. Before Christianity became a religion, it was the Resistance — a poor people’s campaign that began in a Roman backwater, took on one of the most ruthless and militaristic empires in world history, and won.

How did the first Christians do it? And what can today’s resistance movements facing tyrannical regimes learn from their success?

This is not a typical Easter sermon topic. The Easter miracle, though, cannot be explained exclusively through a spiritual lens. It’s also a story of power — about people who seemed to have none but rose up to defeat an empire.

The first Christians faced challenges that would be familiar to anyone in authoritarian states or failing democracies today. They lived in a political system where a predatory elite amassed almost all the wealth. They faced a repressive regime that used fear to silence internal critics and enforce conformity. They faced the prospect of being arbitrarily arrested without due process and whisked off to prison or disappeared.

The early Christians faced a government that had perfected a form of proactive brutality that made political change seem impossible, says Obery M. Hendricks, a social activist and author of “The Politics of Jesus.” When the Romans heard that a group of demonstrators had assembled near Jesus’ hometown of Nazareth to protest excessive taxation, they deployed their own version of shock and awe.

“Roman legions came in and killed folks, crucifying 3,000 of them,” Hendricks says. “These people weren’t doing anything violent. They were just protesting. But the Roman empire said, no, we don’t play that. They killed folks if they thought they might be a threat.”

And yet these first Christians still triumphed. The conventional Easter story says they beat the Romans because of their beliefs and courage. That is partially true. Christians preached a message of “God is love,” which tapped into a spiritual need that Rome’s pagan religions could not meet.

But they also shrewdly employed two lesser-known tactics that offer lessons for resistance movements today — whether these movements identify with the left, the right or somewhere in between.

Cardinal Leonardo Sandri swings a thurible of incense in front of a crucifix as he celebrates Palm Sunday Mass in Saint Peter's Square at the Vatican on April 13, 2025.

The Romans’ capacity for cruelty created an opening for dissident movements. They committed the mistake that tyrannical leaders often commit — they overreached. They were too callous to deliver tangible economic benefits to most of their citizens. The Christian movement stepped into this compassion gap and used it as a wedge to amass power.

It’s hard to imagine today how awful life was for most people in ancient Rome. If you watch Hollywood’s sword-and-sandal movies of the 1950s and 1960s, Rome seemed filled with clean streets and well-scrubbed citizens. But life in places where Christianity took root was miserable, according to Rodney Stark, author of “The Rise of Christianity,” one of the most influential books about the faith’s early years.

Most people in Roman cities lived in “filth beyond our imagining,” Stark wrote. They shared smoky, dark spaces with limited water and means of sanitation. Human corpses — even infants — were abandoned in the streets. The smell of sweat, urine and feces permeated everything.

“The stench of these cities must have been overpowering for many miles — especially in warm weather — and even the richest Romans must have suffered,” writes Stark, who died in 2022. “No wonder they were so fond of incense.”

A tiny elite controlled virtually all the wealth and political power. Most people lived one financial emergency away from irreversible doom. In rural areas, it was not uncommon for people to die of starvation from famines or a bad harvest.

There was no Medicaid in ancient Rome. The average life expectancy was about 35 years, due to high rates of infant mortality. Many of those that lived suffered chronic health conditions, including “swollen eyes, skin rashes and lost limbs,” Stark recounts.

The first Christians offered what was arguably Rome’s first social safety net. When epidemics swept through the cities and many leaders and wealthy citizens fled to the countryside, they stayed behind to nurse the ill and the dying. In time, Christians would establish orphanages, hospitals and food-delivery systems.

This colored engraving by Heinrich Leutemann depicts the distribution of food to slaves in ancient Rome.

The Roman world was full of stories of pagan gods rising from the dead, but the compassion Christians displayed was new.

“There was nothing like a welfare state in Rome,” Andrew Crislip, a historian and an authority on early Christianity, tells CNN. “Even doctors in time of plagues would get out of town. One of the principles of ancient medicine was if a patient appears to be hopeless, do not treat (them). Christians did not have such compunction. They were willing to treat the hopeless.”

These early Christians also offered a different economic model. They collected money for the poor and eventually established poorhouses. And in the New Testament’s Book of Acts, which recounts the rise of the church, they redistributed their wealth.

“All the believers were one in heart and mind,” says Acts 4:32. “No one claimed that any of their possessions was their own, but they shared everything they had.”

These Christians followed the adage, “First bread, then religion.” Their willingness to meet the physical and economic needs of the people gave them credibility.

Scot McKnight, a biblical scholar and host of the podcast “Kingdom Roots,” says the first Christians formed “a socio-economic community of justice,” inspired by Jesus. His first public sermon in the Gospel of Luke was about economic justice, or “good news to the poor.” Jesus routinely criticized wealthy people who were indifferent to the poor. He stood in the tradition of Jewish prophets who condemned greed and evoked the concept of “Jubilee,” a tradition from Leviticus 25 in which kings freed slaves and forgave debts to prevent perpetual cycles of poverty and promote social justice.

Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont speaks during a

McKnight sees echoes of the first church’s message in a modern-day socialist: Bernie Sanders, the independent senator from Vermont who has been drawing huge crowds across the US on his current “Fighting Oligarchy” tour. Sanders has long condemned the gap between the haves and have-nots in America, and political analysts say his message resonates now because he’s tapped into mounting anger over wealth disparities.

“Bernie’s quest for justice is an inherently Biblical view,” says McKnight, author of “The Jesus Creed.” “The prophets of Israel — Jesus, the early church in Jerusalem, even (the apostle) Paul — all believed in economic justice.”

Hollywood movies propagated another myth about early Christians: that relentless persecution by Rome fanned their growth. In this telling, the blood of Christian martyrs facing lions rather than renouncing their faith eventually transformed the Roman empire.

There’s no doubt that Roman persecution was a factor in the growth of the church. But historians say Rome’s violent persecution of Christians was sporadic, and the number of martyrs has been exaggerated.

 A scene showing the persecution of Christians in ancient Rome, based on the painting,

There was another factor that helped Christianity spread. Its leaders disarmed one of the major weapons tyrants use to crush resistance movements.

Repressive regimes don’t just instill fear in people — they also breed indifference. People check out of civic involvement. They stop following the news or politics. They don’t talk about their beliefs with family or friends because they’re afraid of informers or because they don’t believe it will make a difference.

This is the atmosphere that Vladimir Putin has instilled in Russia through the manipulation of information via state-controlled media. People don’t know what to believe, so they don’t believe in anything.

But support from friends and family can offer an antidote to fear and apathy — for early Christians, and for others throughout history.

This is what James Zwerg, a civil rights activist, discovered when he was attacked by a White mob in 1961 at an Alabama bus station. The photograph of a bloodied Zwerg, standing next to the late John Lewis, the congressman and legendary activist, became a rallying cry for the civil rights movement. Zwerg says he couldn’t have endured the beating without the friendships he developed with people like Lewis.

Civil rights activists John Lewis, left, and James Zwerg stand together after being attacked and beaten by pro-segregationists in Montgomery, Alabama, in May 1961.

“Each of us was stronger because of those we were with,” Zwerg recounted in “Children of the Movement,” my book about the children of prominent figures of the civil rights era. “If I was beaten, I knew I wasn’t alone. I could endure more because I knew everybody there was giving me their strength. Even as someone else was being beaten, I would give them strength.”

It may be hard to believe today, but Christianity was once considered a form of social deviancy. Many Romans thought Christians were ridiculous or dangerous. A major reason why the faith ultimately triumphed in Rome is that many people were motivated by the same sentiments that ultimately power resistance movements everywhere: personal loyalty to friends and family.

Many people didn’t join the movement because of its doctrinal appeal alone. They joined because their family or friends reached out to them. Stark writes that for many early Christians, joining the faith was “not about seeking or embracing a theology; it was about bringing one’s religious behavior into alignment with that one one’s friends and family members.”

The first Christians also offered believers an array of personal relationships that were previously unseen in their world. Rome was a society divided by entrenched ethnic, racial and class divisions. But early Christians largely erased these hierarchies. Greeks, Jews, Romans — rich and poor — all worshipped together in homes and built close relationships with one another. They accepted women as leaders and — shockingly at the time — treated slaves as human beings of inherent worth.

Slaves were so despised in the ancient world that “Roman men no more hesitated to use slaves and prostitutes to relieve themselves of their sexual needs than they did to use the side of a road as a toilet,” Holland, the historian, writes in “Dominion.”

An Easter Mass as part of Holy Week celebrations at St Peter's square in the Vatican on March 31, 2024.

“In Latin, the same word, meio, meant both ejaculate and urinate,” Holland writes.

Unlike today, when some activists reject allies who don’t fit all their ideological requirements, early Christians practiced coalition building. They appealed to as many people as they could.

“Christians spread because believed their religion was universal,” says Crislip, the historian who teaches at Virginia Commonwealth University. “Most other religions did not want to proselytize. They didn’t attempt to covert other people to their way of life. Christians from the beginning said this is a religion that is radically inclusive — a way of life for everyone.”

After years of employing these strategies, the Christians’ movement grew so popular and entrenched in Rome that political leaders discovered they couldn’t get rid of it. It became a force for social stability, not dissent. A pivotal moment came when the emperor Constantine legalized Christianity and used the might of the Roman empire to give it institutional support. He became the first Roman emperor to convert to Christianity.

Something was lost, though, when the Christian resistance triumphed.

Scholars say the church won, in part, because its leaders eventually softened their message of resistance. Salvation became solely about the afterlife instead of deliverance from oppressive conditions on earth.

Crislip says the church eventually promoted “more quietism and compliance” in Rome. In time, the church itself became oppressive, giving us the Inquisition and leaders who sanctioned slavery.

And yet for millions, the miracle of Easter continues to inspire. For many, it means that “The Caesars among us don’t get the final word,” Andrew Thayer, an episcopal priest, wrote in a recent essay.

History didn’t record the names of the two young women who were interrogated by Pliny the Younger. Most historians assume they were executed because they would not recant. But their courage lives on. We still talk about them today. They embodied one of the most overlooked elements of the Easter story:

The Easter miracle isn’t confined to an empty tomb. In some ways, the greatest miracle is what started the day after.

John Blake is a CNN senior writer and author of the award-winning memoir, “More Than I Imagined: What a Black Man Discovered About the White Mother He Never Knew.”



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