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How Ukrainians are searching for missing persons using AI and an army of families

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Kyiv, Ukraine
CNN
 — 

“Hi, Mom. All good. I will be offline, probably for a long time, maybe a week or month. Don’t worry.”

That was the last message Nazar Ocheretnyi sent his mother, on March 30, 2022. Nearly three years later, he still hasn’t been in touch. The Ukrainian combat medic disappeared aged 33 in Mariupol, the eastern Ukrainian city that was then under siege in one of the bloodiest chapters in the Russian war against Ukraine.

On April 12, 2022, Ocheretnyi’s mother, Valentyna Ocheretnaya, was officially informed that her son was missing in action, “possibly captured.” Despite his 61-year-old mother’s tireless search, as of March 2025 he remains neither confirmed dead nor known to be alive.

Ocheretnyi is one of the almost 60,000 military personnel and civilians recognized as missing under special circumstances in the government’s Unified Register. However, the real number could be much higher.

“If the person is in the register – there are two main versions – the person either is in Russian captivity, or the person is dead,” said Artur Dobroserdov, Commissioner for Persons Missing under Special Circumstances.

But the longer the war continues, the more difficult it is for the Ukrainian government to find those who were captured or killed.

A girl holds a poster during a rally by families of Ukrainian prisoners of war on March 17, 2024 in Kyiv, Ukraine.

The way the war is fought has also changed since 2022. Both armies now use drones extensively, so returning bodies from the front lines is increasingly difficult – which is why Russia and Ukraine regularly exchange bodies. Ukraine has managed to bring home more than 7,000 bodies since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

“All military units know that they have to take the bodies of both our defenders and the enemy. If taken, the enemy’s body is an asset for the ‘exchange fund’ to be used in (a) repatriation procedure,” said Dobroserdov.

Mandatory DNA testing

During the last such repatriation, on February 14, Ukraine brought home the bodies of 757 fallen soldiers. But for their relatives, that still wasn’t the moment when they could finally bury their beloved according to Ukrainian traditions.

“I will tell you the bitter truth. You still have to be lucky to find your loved one and bury them,” says a comment on social media in a discussion about soldiers who are missing in action.

Identifying missing persons among repatriated remains is a long and complex process. Often, what’s returned is just remnants of bodies, Dobroserdov said – mutilated, fragmented, rotted or burnt.

“The most difficult for an expert is when one package arrives and it contains a large number of body fragments. When you open it, you don’t understand whether it belongs to one person or 10 to 20,” said Ruslan Abbasov, deputy director of the State Scientific Research Forensic Center.

Ukrainian service members who surrendered after weeks holed up at the Azovstal steel works in Mariupol are seen inside a bus which arrived at a detention facility in Olenivka in Donetsk, May 17, 2022.

Experts say that sometimes, but not often, bodies are brought back with indications of their identity. This information needs to be cross-checked, however. There have been cases where a name was assigned to a body but, after DNA testing, it turned out to be that of a completely different person.

Even if relatives recognize a fallen soldier, DNA testing is still mandatory for final identification. This is particularly essential in repatriation exchanges, said Dobroserdov, where the returned remains can belong to multiple people.

“We take a DNA sample from each body part and create a DNA profile. We release the body only after we have examined everyone from this repatriation. Because you can’t make an identification order, bury a person, and then find some more remains after a while,” explained Dobroserdov, adding that there were cases in which the remains of one body were delivered during different repatriations at different times.

In cases where the missing person has no relatives, experts also analyze the belongings they left behind – specifically items that have been in direct contact with their skin – in order to search for a DNA match.

To speed up the search, the Ukrainian authorities are turning to advanced technologies. On February 20, the National Police of Ukraine posted computer-generated images on social media of five unidentified men who were killed in action.

“If you recognize any of your relatives or friends who went missing because of the war or know people who are looking for them, please contact us,” said the message.

It was the first time that Ukrainians had made use of 3D-reconstruction techniques for this purpose.

“We are testing the technology for restoring facial features of unidentified bodies based on the shape of the skull and available genomic information,” Khrystyna Podyriako, head of the National Police’s war crimes investigation department, told CNN.

This allows the restoration of distinguishing features such as hair and skin color, face shape, and approximate age.

Ukrainians also use facial recognition software provided by Western partners and conduct searches in databases, social media, and online. One tool employed is the Clearview AI application, which allows users to recognize faces from photos posted on social networks and has enabled researchers to identify missing soldiers who are in captivity.

According to Dobroserdov, Russia does not always keep accurate lists of prisoners of war, which means that the Ukrainians must find and confirm the identities of many of those held captive.

CNN was granted rare access to one of the facial identification facilities in Kyiv, where a team of four people hunts for images of any captured soldier who appears on Russian Telegram channels or media, and tries to identify them. Such work requires special attention to detail; dozens of soldiers’ photos are on computer screens. If the team finds a match, it will notify the soldier’s family that their loved one is likely in captivity.

Valentyna Ocheretnaya is pictured near the presidential palace in Kyiv in March 2025, while attending a meeting organized by relatives of those missing in action.

In support of the government efforts, Ukrainians unite into so-called “armies of families,” searching across Russian TV channels, social media and news videos for signs of the missing.

Families often also conduct their own investigations. Ocheretnaya obtained information from at least three different people that her son, the combat medic, had been seen in captivity in Russia.

“Everything matches what the eyewitnesses are saying. They recognized him from his photo, his callsign, told me where and what kind of tattoo he had. One guy said Nazar for two weeks gave him bandages on his arm after the Russians burned a tattoo of a Ukrainian emblem on his body,” Ocheretnaya said.

She learned of three locations where Ocheretnyi had likely been seen: in Russia’s Volgograd and Sakha regions, and in Olenivka prison in Russian-occupied Donetsk region. She gave all the information she’d gathered to Ukrainian authorities and the International Committee of the Red Cross. But her son is not on any official Russian list.

Valentyna Ocheretnaya is pictured with her son, Nazar Ocheretnyi, before the full-scale invasion was launched. She looks at photos of her missing son almost every day, believing that he is alive.

Ocheretnaya also provided her DNA, but the database has found no match. “It means that he is alive; I know it. Maybe he’s in a prison where they haven’t released the prisoners yet, so his name’s nowhere to be found,” she said.

Over the past three years, Ocheretnaya has attended many meetings held by relatives of those missing in action and joined almost every Telegram group where they talk. She’s contacted everyone from Ocheretnyi’s brigade, and is still searching for him everywhere.

“I have an old video with him in which he is driving, joking, and laughing with other guys. I watch this video several times per day. I know every second, every turn of the eye, every wave of the hand,” said Ocheretnaya.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has repeatedly said that Ukraine is ready for an “all-for-all” exchange. Russia releasing all the Ukrainian captives it holds would be a good step toward peace.

That is exactly what Ocheretnaya, like thousands of other Ukrainian families, is waiting for.

“I’m really asking God to bring my son back to me. I don’t need anything else. Just to bring him back,” she said.



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Europe

Russia Ukraine truce: The real strategy behind Russia’s sudden truce announcement

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CNN
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The timing, the brevity, the sudden, unilateral nature of it all. If Ukraine’s allies needed proof of Moscow’s wild cynicism when it comes to peace, the announcement of an immediate truce for Easter provided just that.

It came mere hours after US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and his boss president Donald Trump said they would need in the coming days an urgent sign that the Kremlin was serious about peace.

For Russia’s proponents, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s announcement on Saturday looked like a nod to Trump – but the sudden declaration is so riddled with practical flaws, before it even gets out of the box, that it is likely to be simply used by Putin to support his false notion Kyiv does not want his war to stop.

It will be a logistical nightmare for Ukraine‘s forces to suddenly, immediately stop fighting at Putin’s behest. Some front line positions may be in the middle of fierce clashes when this order comes through, and a cessation of this nature likely requires days of preparation and readiness.

Misinformation is bound to confuse troops about the truce’s implementation, how to report or respond to violations, and even what to do when it comes to an end.

It is possible this moment will prove a rare sign that both sides can stop violence for short period. But it is significantly more likely they will both use violations and confusion to show their opponent cannot be trusted. As of Saturday evening local time, Ukrainian officials said Russian strikes had continued in frontline areas.

The ongoing 30-day truce limited to energy infrastructure was born in conditions of complete chaos. The White House announced that “energy and infrastructure” were covered, the Kremlin said they’d immediately stopped attacks on “energy infrastructure”, and Ukraine said the truce started a week later than the Kremlin did. Its execution has been equally mired in mistrust and accusations of breaches.

Moscow made a similar unilateral declaration in January 2023, calling for a day of peace to allow Orthodox Christians to observe Christmas – a move that Kyiv and Western leaders dismissed at the time as a strategic pause for military purposes.

A genuine truce requires negotiation with your opponent, and preparations for it to take hold. The sudden rush of this seems designed entirely to placate the White House demands for some sign that Russia is willing to stop fighting. It will likely feed Trump’s at times pro-Moscow framing of the conflict. It may also cause complexities for Ukraine when they are inevitably accused of violating what Washington may consider to be a goodwill gesture by Moscow.

Ultimately, this brief, likely theoretical, probably rhetorical and entirely unilateral stop to a three-year war, is likely to do more damage to the role of diplomacy in the coming months than it does to support it.



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Live updates: Trump news on Iran and Ukraine talks, immigration crackdown, tariffs

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Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff and Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi.

Delegations from the United States and Iran are holding their second round of high-stakes nuclear talks today.

Officials from both countries met in Oman last weekend for talks mediated by the Gulf Arab nation. This round is being held in Rome, with Oman once again serving as mediator between the US team — led by special envoy Steve Witkoff — and the Iranian one, headed by Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi.

How we got here: A nuclear deal was reached in 2015 between Iran and world powers, including the US. Under the deal, Iran had agreed to limit its nuclear program in exchange for the lifting of sanctions.

Trump abandoned that deal in 2018, during his first presidential term. Iran retaliated by resuming its nuclear activities and has so far advanced its program of uranium enrichment up to 60% purity, closer to the roughly 90% level that is weapons grade.

Back in the White House, Trump has given Tehran a two-month deadline to reach a new agreement.

What the US is saying: Trump has vowed a “stronger” deal than the original struck in 2015, and has threatened to bomb Iran if it does not come to an agreement with the US.

Since reporting that last weekend’s initial talks were “constructive,” Trump administration officials oscilated this week between a conciliatory approach and more hawkish demands to fully dismantle Tehran’s nuclear capabilities.

What Iran is saying: Iran this week doubled down on its right to enrich uranium and accused the Trump administration of sending mixed signals.

Iranian media has reported that Tehran had set strict terms ahead of the talks with the US, saying that “red lines” include “threatening language” by the Trump administration and “excessive demands regarding Iran’s nuclear program.”



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Russia sentences 19-year-old woman to nearly three years in a penal colony after poetic anti-war protest

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CNN
 — 

A St Petersburg court has sentenced a 19-year-old woman to nearly three years in a penal colony after she was accused of repeatedly “discrediting” the Russian army, including by gluing a quotation on a statue of a Ukrainian poet.

Darya Kozyreva was sentenced to two years and eight months, the Joint Press Service of Courts in St. Petersburg said in statement Friday.

Kozyreva was arrested on February 24, 2024, after she glued a verse by Ukrainian poet Taras Shevchenko onto his monument in St Petersburg, according to OVD-Info, an independent Russian human rights group.

The verse from Shevchenko’s My Testament read, “Oh bury me, then rise ye up / And break your heavy chains / And water with the tyrants’ blood / The freedom you have gained,” OVD-Info said.

A second case was brought against her in August 2024, following an interview with Radio Free Europe in which she called Russia’s war in Ukraine “monstrous” and “criminal,” OVD-Info said.

During one of her hearings, the teenager maintained that she had merely recited a poem, and pasted a quote in Ukrainian, “nothing more,” the court press service said.

The anti-war activist has had previous run-ins with the law, having been detained in December 2022 while still at high school for writing, “Murderers, you bombed it. Judases,” on an installation dedicated to the twinning of the Russian city of St Petersburg and Ukraine’s Mariupol, the rights group said.

She was then fined for “discreditation” a year later and expelled from university for a post she made on a Russian social media platform discussing the “imperialist nature of the war,” according to Memorial, one of the country’s most respected human rights organizations.

Describing Kozyreva as a political prisoner, Memorial condemned the charges against her as “absurd” in a statement last year, saying they were aimed at suppressing dissent.

Prosecutors had been seeking a six-year sentence for Kozyreva, Russian independent media channel, SOTA Vision, reported from inside the courtroom. Video footage by Reuters showed Kozyreva smiling and waving to supporters as she left the court.

Kozyreva’s lawyer told Reuters they would likely appeal.

The verdict was condemned by Amnesty International’s Russia Director Natalia Zviagina as “another chilling reminder of how far the Russian authorities will go to silence peaceful opposition to their war in Ukraine.”

“Daria Kozyreva is being punished for quoting a classic of 19th-century Ukrainian poetry, for speaking out against an unjust war and for refusing to stay silent. We demand the immediate and unconditional release of Daria Kozyreva and everyone imprisoned under ‘war censorship laws,’” Zviagina said in a statement.

Russia has a history of attempting to stifle anti-war dissent among its younger generation. Last year, CNN reported that at least 35 minors have faced politically motivated criminal charges in Russia since 2009, according to OVD-Info. Of those, 23 cases have been initiated since Russia started its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

Currently, more than 1,500 people are imprisoned on political grounds in Russia, according to a tally by OVD-Info, with Moscow’s crackdown on dissent escalating since the war began. Between then and December 2024, at least 20,070 people were detained for anti-war views, and there were 9,369 cases of “discrediting the army,” relating to actions including social media posts or wearing clothes with Ukrainian flag symbols, according to OVD-Info.



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