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China, Russia and Iran set to hold talks in Beijing as Trump pushes for new nuclear deal with Tehran

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Hong Kong
CNN
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China is hosting diplomats from Iran and Russia for talks on Tehran’s nuclear program Friday as Beijing aims to position itself as a power broker on an issue seen internationally as a pressing security concern.

China’s Executive Vice Foreign Minister Ma Zhaoxu will chair a meeting with counterparts from Iran and Russia in the Chinese capital “on the Iranian nuclear issue,” China’s Foreign Ministry announced earlier this week.

The meeting, expected to be attended by Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov and Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi, comes as countries face pressure to find diplomatic solutions – or trigger a return to sanctions – as a key deadline from a 2015 Iran nuclear deal looms.

President Donald Trump, who pulled the United States out of that agreement during his first term in office, is also pushing for a new deal, while European powers have held multiple rounds of talks with Tehran in recent months on the issue.

There is an increasing sense of urgency around finding a diplomatic path to rein in Iran’s nuclear program amid conflict in the Middle East. The United Nations nuclear watchdog warns that Iran has rapidly expanded its stock of what is considered near-bomb-grade uranium. Iran denies it wants a nuclear bomb and insists that its nuclear energy program is “entirely peaceful.”

It’s onto this stage that China now steps with its own diplomatic push, which observers say fits with Beijing’s aim to position itself as an alternative global leader to the US – a goal Chinese leaders see more opportunity to achieve as Trump shakes up foreign policy with his “America First” agenda.

“China is increasingly motivated to deepen its involvement (in the Iran nuclear issue) to safeguard its interests, expand its regional influence and reinforce its image as a responsible global power,” said Tong Zhao, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace think tank in Washington.

By having both Russia and Iran in the room, China “may also aim to highlight the significance of non-Western approaches to resolving global challenges,” he added.

China has long been an advocate for the 2015 nuclear deal – or Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). The agreement, originally negotiated between all five permanent members of the UN Security Council and Tehran, restricts Iran’s nuclear program.

Beijing has criticized the US withdrawal from the pact, while opposing American sanctions on Iran. Tehran moved away from its nuclear-related commitments following the US withdrawal.

Under the 2015 deal, countries have until October to trigger a so-called “snapback” of international sanctions on Iran that were lifted under the JCPOA.

“We still hope that we can seize the limited time we have before the termination date in October this year, in order to have a deal, a new deal so that the JCPOA can be maintained,” China’s UN Ambassador Fu Cong told reporters ahead of a special UN Security Council meeting on Iran’s nuclear program on Wednesday.

“Putting maximum pressure on a certain country is not going to achieve the goal,” he said, in a reference to Trump’s approach to isolate Iran economically and diplomatically to stop Tehran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.

Trump last week told Fox News he had written to Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, adding: “there are two ways Iran can be handled: militarily, or you make a deal. I would prefer to make a deal, because I’m not looking to hurt Iran.”

But Iran has signaled in recent days it has no interest in speaking to Trump, with Khamenei criticizing efforts to negotiate from “bully states.”

It’s unclear what form a potential new agreement would take – or how it would be brokered. But not reaching a deal could lead to escalation of the ongoing conflict in the Middle East that’s seen Israel and Iran exchange direct strikes or could see Tehran shift its position on nuclear weapons, observers say.

“Effectively, everyone’s competing to solve this issue,” said Sanam Vakil, director of the Middle East and North Africa program at the London-based Chatham House think tank. “In the climate of several parallel efforts, this was an opportunity for Russia and China to align and try to put forward their version of what a deal might look like.”

Both Beijing and Moscow are united in “not wanting to see Iran weaponize its nuclear program and trying to diplomatically look for a solution,” but may want a narrower deal focused around Tehran’s nuclear program, while Europe and perhaps the United States would like a broader agreement, according to Vakil.

Iran also sees China and Russia as potential allies in such discussions. Tehran and Moscow have heightened cooperation in recent years as Iranian drones help Russia wage war in Ukraine.

China remains a key economic and diplomatic backer for Iran, but also looks to balance its relationship with Tehran with growing ties to partners like Saudi Arabia. Last week, Russia, China and Iran held what Chinese state media said was their fifth joint naval drill since 2019.

“For Iran, (the meeting in China) is a symbolic opportunity. It can continue to show its alignment with Russia and China … (and) continue to message that it seeks engagement,” Vakil said.

China's top diplomat Wang Yi poses with Iranian Supreme National Security Council Secretary Ali Shamkhani and Saudi Arabia's national security adviser Musaad bin Mohammed Al Aiban in Beijing after the two Middle Eastern nations agreed to re-establish diplomat ties in March 2023.

A show of the trio’s alignment may also benefit Beijing at a time when the Trump administration seeks to undercut Beijing and Moscow’s close ties and push back against what they view as an emerging “axis” between China, Russia, Iran and North Korea.

Russia has also offered to participate in nuclear talks between the US and Iran, a Kremlin spokesperson said, as Moscow-Washington ties warm under Trump.

“The future policy directions of Russia and Iran will significantly influence China’s strategic options in the Middle East and beyond,” said Carnegie Endowments’s Zhao, pointing to this as one reason for Beijing to enhance its communication with Moscow and Tehran on such issues.

“Such coordination also signals solidarity against potential US efforts to sow division among them,” he added.

Beijing has much at stake in the Middle East.

China relies on the region for energy and has worked to deepen its strategic ties there, including with wealthy Gulf states and traditional US allies. Beijing showed its ambitions to become a power player in the region in 2023 when it played a role in brokering a rapprochement between longtime rivals Iran and Saudi Arabia.

China is also likely warily eying the potential that its own firms’ commercial ties to Iran could become entangled in Trump’s pressure tactics in Iran if no deal is reached, observers say.

The meeting in Beijing, however, “is not an indication that China is interested in giving Russia and Iran a free ride here or allowing them to continue to subvert proliferation norms,” said Esfandyar Batmanghelidj, founder of the Bourse and Bazaar Foundation think tank.

“What this reflects is China’s serious concerns that this crisis could accelerate in the Middle East if the Iran nuclear program is not dealt with through negotiations,” he said.

Still, there are limits to Beijing’s capacity to be a broker on this issue even as it looks to amplify its role. It’s a comparatively inexperienced player in a region where the US has long been the dominant power, and despite its economic links to Tehran, observers say it has little sway over the country’s policy.

“The Russians and Iranians understand that this is a relatively new role that China is taking as a mediator for these larger international disputes. There’s a lot of realism about the extent to which China can actually be the architect of these negotiations,” said Batmanghelidj.

But they’re both “very happy to participate in the spectacle of China emerging as this new player,” he said.



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Chinese robots ran against humans in the world’s first humanoid half-marathon. They lost by a mile

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Hong Kong
CNN
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If the idea of robots taking on humans in a road race conjures dystopian images of android athletic supremacy, then fear not, for now at least.

More than 20 two-legged robots competed in the world’s first humanoid half-marathon in China on Saturday, and – though technologically impressive – they were far from outrunning their human masters over the long distance.

Teams from several companies and universities took part in the race, a showcase of China’s advances on humanoid technology as it plays catch-up with the US, which still boasts the more sophisticated models.

And the chief of the winning team said their robot – though bested by the humans in this particular race – was a match for similar models from the West, at a time when the race to perfect humanoid technology is hotting up.

Coming in a variety of shapes and sizes, the robots jogged through Beijing’s southeastern Yizhuang district, home to many of the capital’s tech firms.

Over the past few months, videos of China’s humanoid robots performing bike rides, roundhouse kicks and side flips have blown up the internet, often amplified by state media as a key potential driver of economic growth.

In a 2023 policy document, China’s Ministry of Industry and Information Technology identified the humanoid robotics industry as a “new frontier in technological competition,” setting a 2025 target for mass production and secure supply chains for core components.

A robot loses control at the start of what is billed as the world's first robot half marathon in Beijing, Chaina, on April 19, 2025.

Fears have mounted in recent years about how artificial intelligence – and robots – may one day outsmart humans.

And while AI models are fast gaining ground, sparking concern for everything from security to the future of work, Saturday’s race suggested that humans still at least have the upper hand when it comes to running.

The robots were pitted against 12,000 human contestants, running side by side with them in a fenced-off lane.

After setting off from a country park, participating robots had to overcome slight slopes and a winding 21-kilometer (13-mile) circuit before they could reach the finish line, according to state-run outlet Beijing Daily.

Just as human runners needed to replenish themselves with water, robot contestants were allowed to get new batteries during the race. Companies were also allowed to swap their androids with substitutes when they could no longer compete, though each substitution came with a 10-minute penalty.

The first robot across the finish line, Tiangong Ultra – created by the Beijing Humanoid Robot Innovation Center – finished the route in two hours and 40 minutes. That’s nearly two hours short of the human world record of 56:42, held by Ugandan runner Jacob Kiplimo. The winner of the men’s race on Saturday finished in 1 hour and 2 minutes.

Robots take part in what is billed as the world's first robot half marathon during the Humanoid Robot Half-Marathon held in Beijing, China, on April 19, 2025.

Tang Jian, chief technology officer for the robotics innovation center, said Tiangong Ultra’s performance was aided by long legs and an algorithm allowing it to imitate how humans run a marathon.

“I don’t want to boast but I think no other robotics firms in the West have matched Tiangong’s sporting achievements,” Tang said, according to the Reuters news agency, adding that the robot switched batteries just three times during the race.

The 1.8-meter robot came across a few challenges during the race, which involved the multiple battery changes. It also needed a helper to run alongside it with his hands hovering around his back, in case of a fall.

Most of the robots required this kind of support, with a few tied to a leash. Some were led by a remote control.

Amateur human contestants running in the other lane had no difficulty keeping up, with the curious among them taking out their phones to capture the robotic encounters as they raced along.



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Nagpur violence: Why is long-dead Indian emperor Aurangzeb angering millions of Hindus today?

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CNN
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Despite being dead for more than 300 years, this Indian ruler is still making waves in the nation’s politics.

Aurangzeb Alamgir has become so central to India’s fraught political moment, his memory is leading to sectarian violence across the country.

The sixth emperor of the famed Mughal dynasty, he is considered by many detractors to be a tyrant who brutalized women, razed Hindu temples, forced religious conversions and waged wars against Hindu and Sikh rulers.

And in a nation now almost entirely under the grip of Hindu nationalists, Aurangzeb’s “crimes” have been seized upon by right-wing politicians, turning him into the ultimate Muslim villain whose memory needs to be erased.

Sectarian clashes erupted in the western city of Nagpur last month, with hardline Hindu nationalists calling for the demolition of his tomb, which is about 400 kilometers away.

Seemingly spurred on by a recent Bollywood movie’s portrayal of Aurangzeb’s violent conquests against a revered Hindu king, the violence led to dozens of injuries and arrests, prompting Nagpur authorities to impose a curfew.

As tensions between the two communities continue to mount, many right-wing Hindus are using Aurangzeb’s name to highlight historical injustices against the country’s majority faith.

And they are causing fears among India’s 200 million Muslims.

Circa 1666, Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb of India

‘Admiration and aversion’

The Mughals ruled during an era that saw conquest, domination and violent power struggles but also an explosion of art and culture as well as periods of deep religious syncretism – at least until Aurangzeb.

Founded by Babur in 1526, the empire at its height covered an area that stretched from modern-day Afghanistan in central Asia to Bangladesh in the east, coming to an end in 1857 when the British overthrew the final emperor, Bahadur Shah II.

Its most well-known leaders – Humayun, Akbar, Jahangir and Shah Jahan – famously promoted religious harmony and heavily influenced much of Indian culture, building iconic sites such as the Taj Mahal and Delhi’s Red Fort.

But among this more tolerant company, Aurangzeb is considered something of a dark horse – a religious zealot and complex character.

Aurangzeb “evoked a mixture of admiration and aversion right from the moment of his succession to the Mughal throne,” said Abhishek Kaicker, a historian of Persianate South Asia at UC Berkeley.

“He attracted a degree of revulsion because of the way in which he came to the throne by imprisoning his father and killing his brothers… At the same time, he drew admiration and loyalty for his personal unostentatiousness and piety, his unrivaled military power that led to the expansion of the Mughal realm, his political acumen, administrative efficiency, and reputation for justice and impartiality.”

India's Taj Mahal was built by Shah Jahan, Aurangzeb's father, as a mausoleum for his wife Mumtaz Mahal. It was completed in 1648.
The Red Fort was built by emperor Shah Jahan in the mid 17th Century and remains one of India's most famed tourist attractions.
Humayun's Tomb was built in the 1560s, with the patronage of Humayun's son, the great Emperor Akbar.

Born in 1618 to Shah Jahan (of Taj Mahal fame) and his wife Mumtaz Mahal (for whom it was built), historians describe the young prince as a devout, solemn figure, who showed early signs of leadership.

He held several appointments from the age of 18, in all of which he established himself as a capable commander. The glory of the Mughal empire reached its zenith under his father, and Aurangzeb’s scrambled for control of what was then the richest throne in the world

So when Shah Jahan fell ill in 1657, the stage was set for a bitter war of succession between Aurangzeb and his three siblings in which he would eventually come face-to-face with his eldest brother, Dara Shikoh, a champion of a syncretic Hindu-Muslim culture.

Aurangzeb imprisoned his ailing father in 1658 and defeated his brother the year after, before forcibly parading him in chains on a filthy elephant on the streets of Delhi.

“The favorite and pampered son of the most magnificent of the Great Mughals was now clad in a travel-tainted dress of the coarsest cloth,” wrote Jadunath Sarkar in “A Short History of Aurangzib.”

“With a dark dingy-colored turban, such as only the poorest wear, on his head. No necklace or jewel adorning his person.”

Dara Shikoh was later murdered.

By now, Aurangzeb’s authority had reached extraordinary heights, and under his leadership the Mughal empire reached its greatest geographical extent.

He commanded a degree of respect and for the first half of his reign, ruled with an iron fist, albeit with relative tolerance for the majority Hindu faith.

Until about 1679, there were no reports of temples being broken, nor any imposition of “jizya” or tax on non-Muslim subjects, according to Nadeem Rezavi, a professor of History at India’s Aligarh University. Aurangzeb behaved, “just like his forefathers,” Rezavi said, explaining how some Hindus even held high rank within his government.

In 1680 however, that all changed, as he embraced a form of religious intolerance that reverberates to this day.

The tomb of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb, in Maharashtra, India.

The zealot ruler demoted his Hindu statesmen, turning friends into foes and launching a long and unpopular war in the Deccan, which included the violent suppression of the Marathas, a Hindu kingdom revered to this day by India’s right-wing politicians – including Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Members of Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) have been quick to point out the cruelties inflicted on Hindus by Aurangzeb – forcing conversions, reinstating the jizya, and murdering non-Muslims.

He also waged war on the Sikhs, executing the religion’s ninth Guru Tegh Bahadur, an act makes Aurangzeb a figure of loathing among many Sikhs to this day.

This brutality was on display in the recently released film “Chhaava,” which depicts Aurangzeb as a barbaric Islamist who killed Sambhaji, the son of the most famous Maratha king, Chhatrapati Shivaji.

Bajrang Dal And Vishva Hindu Parishad workers protest in Mumbai to demand the removal of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb's tomb from Khuldabad on March 17, 2025.

“Chhaava has ignited people’s anger against Aurangzeb,” said Devendra Fadnavis, the chief minister of Maharashtra, where Nagpur is located.

Muslims alleged members of the right-wing Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) burned a sheet bearing verses from their holy Quran.

Yajendra Thakur, a member of the VHP group, denied the allegations but restated his desire to have Aurangzeb’s tomb removed.

“Aurangzeb’s grave should not be here,” he told CNN from Nagpur. “It shouldn’t be here because of everything he did to Shambhaji Maharaj. Even our Muslim brothers should issue a statement saying that Aurangzeb’s grave should not be in Nagpur.”

Modi’s invocation of the man who led India before him is no surprise.

The prime minister, who wears his religion on his sleeve, has been a long-time member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, a right-wing paramilitary organization that advocates the establishment of Hindu hegemony within India. It argues the country’s Hindus have been historically oppressed – first by the Mughals, then by the British colonizers who followed.

And many of them want every trace of this history gone.

The Maharashtra district where he is buried, once known as Aurangabad, was renamed after Shivaji’s son in 2023. The triumphs of his forefathers, the great king Akbar and Shah Jahan, have been written out of history textbooks, Rezavi said, or not taught in schools.

“They are trying to revert history and replace it with myth, something of their own imagination,” Rezavi said. “Aurangzeb is being used to demonize a community.”

Modi’s BJP denies using the Mughal emperor’s name to defame India’s Muslims. But his invocation of India’s former rulers is causing fear and anxiety among the religious minority today.

While historians agree that he was a dark, complex figure, and don’t contest his atrocities, Rezavi said it is necessary to recognize that he existed at a time when “India as a concept” didn’t exist.

“We are talking about a time when there was no constitution, there was no parliament, there was no democracy,” Rezavi said.

Kaicker seemingly agrees. Such historical figures “deserve neither praise nor blame,” he said.

“They have to be understood in the context of their own time, which is quite distant from our own.”

Back in Nagpur, demands for the tomb’s removal have gone unanswered, with some members of the Hindu far right even dismissing the calls for demolition.

Local Muslim resident Asif Qureshi said his hometown has never seen violence like that which unfolded last month, condemning the clashes that convulsed the historically peaceful city.

“This is a stain on our city’s history,” he said.



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Nora Aunor, one of Philippine cinema’s biggest stars, dies at 71

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MANILA, Philippines
AP
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Nora Aunor, who became one of the biggest stars of Philippine cinema during a career that spanned seven decades, has died.

Aunor died Wednesday, according to social media posts from her children. She was 71. No further details on the cause or place of her death were immediately given.

Filipina actor Lotlot de León said on Instagram that her mother “touched generations with her unmatched talent, grace, and passion for the craft. Her voice, presence, and artistry shaped a legacy that will never fade.”

De León said funeral plans and other details will be shared later.

Aunor, born Nora Cabaltera Villamayor to an impoverished family in eastern Camarines Sur province, sold water in a train station in her hometown in her youth.

She first gained fame in her teens as a singer in the 1960s before moving on to movies. She amassed more than 200 credits in film and television that included many classics of Philippine cinema, and won dozens of acting awards.

Memorable roles included 1976’s “Tatlong Taong Walang Diyos” (“Three Years Without God”), 1984’s “Bulaklak sa City Jail” (“Flowers of the City Jail”) and 1995’s “The Flor Contemplacion Story.”

She swept best actress awards in the country for her performance in 1990’s “Andrea, Paano ba ang Maging Isang Ina?” (“Andrea, What is It Like to be a Mother?”) and won best actress at the Asian Film Awards for her portrayal of a midwife in 2012’s “Thy Womb.”

Aunor was still acting as recently as last year, starring in the film “Mananambal” (“The Healer”) and appearing on the TV series “Lilet Matias, Attorney-at-Law.”

Aunor was named a National Artist for Film and Broadcast Arts – the country’s biggest honor for actors – in 2022. In 2014, then-President Benigno Aquino III had denied her the honor because of a previous drug arrest in the US, provoking broad outcry.

Aunor’s lawyer said the 2005 arrest at the Los Angeles airport came because of a pipe found in a bag she did not pack, noting she was traveling with four assistants at the time. The charges were dropped in 2007 after she completed a diversion program, her lawyer said in 2014.

Aunor was married to actor Christopher de León from 1975 until 1996.

She is survived by their children Lotlet, Ian, Matet, Kiko and Kenneth de León.



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